State and Society: Local Self-Government and Constitutional Reform in Late Qing China: Local Self-Government and Constitutional Reform in Late Qing China

Author: Ma Xiaoquan
Publisher:
Publish Date: 2001-08-01
Features: The local self-governing movement that rose during the late Qing Dynasty was an important part of the modern Chinese constitutional reform. During the preparation for constitutional reform, the Qing government formulated local self-governing regulations and instructed provincial governors and military commanders to implement them according to the regulations. However, from the beginning, the Qing court's promises of local self-governing were very limited. They particularly emphasized "national sovereignty," "counterbalancing official governance," and "heavy responsibility and supervision," fearing that the gentry and common people would cross the line. In contrast, the new-style bourgeois gentry and merchants had their own understanding of local self-governing. They were not satisfied with assisting local officials in managing public affairs such as roads, sanitation, charity, and public security. Instead, they emphasized the distinction between "administration and representation within local self-governing," promoting the model of bourgeois parliamentary politics at the grassroots level to lay a solid foundation for the country's constitutional reform. At the same time, they linked local self-governing with the development of capitalist economy and culture, which naturally added more positive significance to their proposals and practices. Unfortunately, due to the Qing government's apparent promotion and covert obstruction, coupled with China's lack of the tradition of urban self-governance or group self-governance found in European countries, the local self-governing movement in the late Qing Dynasty ultimately yielded minimal results. This remains a great regret in the history of modern Chinese civil rights movements. The local self-governing movement in the late Qing Dynasty was indeed a beneficial attempt at modernizing China's political system, making it a topic worthy of in-depth research. In recent years, scholars both at home and abroad have conducted some research on this topic and achieved certain results. However, further discussion is still needed on many issues. The book State and Society: Local Self-Governing in the Late Qing Dynasty and Constitutional Reform written by Comrade Ma Xiaoquan incorporates the latest research findings from both domestic and international studies. Drawing on research methods from related disciplines such as political science and sociology, it systematically and thoroughly explores the local self-governing movement in the late Qing Dynasty from the perspective of the social-political structure (i.e., the relationship between the state and society) and early Chinese political modernization (i.e., political development). It is one of the few academic works dedicated to the study of local self-governing in the late Qing Dynasty. After reading the entire manuscript, I perceive the main features of this book as follows:
First, by examining the socio-economic development, changes in the class structure, intensification of social conflicts, and rigidity of the bureaucratic system in the late Qing Dynasty, the book proposes original insights into the causes of local self-governing. It argues that the rise of local self-governing in the late Qing Dynasty stemmed from both social demands and government needs. On one hand, it was a political reform proposal put forward by emerging social forces, represented by the bourgeoisie and the gentry and merchants in the process of transforming into the bourgeoisie, to address the times and reform the system. On the other hand, it was a government necessity, as the late Qing government, to maintain its declining autocratic rule and strengthen control over grassroots society, was forced to adopt the banner of local self-governing and attempted to integrate it into the government's framework. In other words, local self-governing in the late Qing Dynasty was driven by dual impetus from the state and society, which determined its complex nature and the difficulties of its development.
Second, by comparing the local self-governing regulations of various levels in the late Qing Dynasty with those of early local self-governing in Western European countries and Japan, the book clearly defines the policy orientation of the late Qing government in promoting local self-governing. It argues that the organizational form and basic spirit of late Qing local self-governing were modeled after Japan with some modifications. The purpose was not to grant people the power to participate in politics or implement a bourgeois constitutional system, but to adjust the relationship between the government and society and establish a new status for the gentry and merchants as "assistants in governance." This aimed to stabilize the autocratic political foundation through the form of self-governing. Due to the intervention and control of the Qing government, late Qing local self-governing bore a strong official character and became "autocratic in nature."
Third, using modern political development theory, the book explains that late Qing local self-governing was a product of China's capitalist development and one of the political achievements of the national bourgeoisie. As a pioneer of modern local political reform, it constituted a step in early Chinese political modernization. At the same time, it objectively analyzes the historical limitations of late Qing local self-governing, pointing out that the failure of late Qing local self-governing to develop according to the bourgeoisie's wishes and achieve the initial goals of constitutional reform was due to the lack of subjective and objective conditions for implementing local self-governing and bourgeois democratic politics. Achieving these conditions was not an overnight task, which is undoubtedly a fundamental reason for the slow progress and setbacks in early Chinese political modernization.
In summary, this book presents a well-investigated and grounded study of local self-governing in the late Qing Dynasty. It not only makes a valuable contribution to the research of this topic but also raises some thought-provoking issues. Comrade Ma Xiaoquan, with years of academic experience, is diligent, sincere, and down-to-earth, highly praised by his teachers and peers. Today, with his achievements and refined scholarship, I am filled with joy. In this brief note, if there are any misleading statements, I hope readers and fellow scholars will forgive me.