Author: Jin Ergang, Su Hua
Publisher:
Publishing Date: 2000-11-01
Features: This is a report on the boundary survey of provinces and counties in China. The book examines human civilization through the lens of boundaries, showcasing social life from multiple perspectives, making it a must-read for policymakers and those concerned with societal development. The history of Chinese civilization is said to span five thousand years, with ancient texts referring to the land being divided into nine regions. According to the Rites of Zhou, "The Great Director of the Earthly Offices is responsible for establishing maps of the state's land," and since the Zhou Dynasty, China has had administrative divisions with written and mapped records for about three thousand years. Since the establishment of prefectures and counties during the Qin Dynasty, it has been two thousand years. However, it was only in the 20th century that a serious nationwide boundary survey of provinces and counties was seriously considered. During the Republican era, the Nanjing Nationalist government proposed such a plan in the 1930s, but it was not realized due to the outbreak of the War of Resistance Against Japan. After 1949, numerous disputes arose in China's local administration due to boundary disputes between adjacent provinces and counties. Examining history, reflecting on the future, and considering the bigger picture, in 1986, when Cui Naifu became Minister of Civil Affairs, he proposed a second nationwide boundary survey. After nearly a decade, by 1995, the Chinese government finally adopted the suggestion, and from 1996 to 2000, the preliminary survey of the land boundaries of provinces and counties was completed. It can be said that this completed a fundamental task in the administration of society. Given the increasingly complex and closely interconnected society, the management and coordination of social life cannot be carried out without clear administrative divisions. This survey can be considered one of the great undertakings in governing the state, and those who seek to serve the nation will greatly benefit from reading this book. Below are some insights I gained from reading this book.
1. Clarifying Boundaries as the Primary Means to End and Prevent Conflicts Over Resources Between Adjacent Regions
I used to think that the conflicts between pastoral tribes in grazing areas were merely due to ethical and moral issues, but after reading this book, I realized that it is not that simple. Especially on the mysterious Qinghai-Tibetan Plateau, I believed that under the influence of religion, the residents there would surely tolerate everything. But the book revealed that even different resident groups engage in fierce conflicts over grasslands. The book cites examples of conflicts since 1949, from agricultural areas in the interior to fishing areas at sea, and pastoral areas in grasslands. In recent years, with the development of industries and mining, areas with underground mineral resources have also sparked conflicts due to unclear boundaries. These conflicts range from large-scale armed clashes among villagers to battles supported by village Party committees or even higher levels of government. For instance, two neighboring villages in Guangxi's Nan County and Guizhou's Dushan County fought twice over the ownership of a well due to unclear boundary demarcation. It has become a common practice for governments at all levels to protect their respective jurisdictions, and provincial governments are no exception. In the past, I had read in history books about vassals fighting under the command of a great landlord, with the dead and injured being taken care of by their own villages. Today, in armed clashes led by village Party branches, there are clear regulations regarding the treatment of participants, the wounded, and those who are legally punished, which is truly remarkable.
Especially noteworthy are the examples mentioned in the book, such as the gold mining areas and grasslands shared by Qinghai's Menyuan County and Gansu's Tianzhu County, as well as large-scale deforestation in grasslands and forests from north to south. These cases demonstrate that unclear boundaries lead to neighboring residents feeling uncertain about resource ownership and resorting to frantic, exploitative development of non-renewable resources, which is extremely inefficient and environmentally destructive. The ecological damage caused to grasslands, forests, and fish populations is almost catastrophic. Over the past 50 years, nearly one-third of China's land resources have experienced ecological degradation, and this is undoubtedly related to these issues. This further proves, from another perspective, how crucial it is for human civilization to clearly define property rights, ensuring that every part of society is responsible for its assets and that illegal infringement of property rights is promptly punished. Clarifying the administrative jurisdiction of land, forests, grasslands, waters, water bodies, and mineral resources is the fundamental prerequisite for determining the ownership and development rights of these resources. Therefore, clarifying boundaries is a critical condition for the protection and rational use of existing resources.
2. Clarifying Boundaries as a Basis for Defining Responsibilities and Authorities in Administrative Governance of Adjacent Regions
According to the book, since the founding of the People's Republic of China, there have been over 1,000 inter-provincial boundary disputes involving all provinces, municipalities, and autonomous regions except Hainan Province. The disputed areas cover 140,000 square kilometers, equivalent to the size of a medium-sized province. Among these disputes, grassland disputes cover 95,800 square kilometers, mineral disputes cover 4,200 square kilometers, land disputes cover 3,500 square kilometers, and forest disputes cover 2,900 square kilometers. Mixed disputes over grasslands, minerals, and forests cover 33,800 square kilometers. Due to unclear boundary divisions in many areas, administrative management has been highly flexible. In areas with resource interests, adjacent regions have set up their own administrative bodies in the same area. For example, at Hongliuhe Station on the Lanzhou-Xinjiang Railway, where a gold mine dispute between Xinjiang and Gansu has intensified, Xinjiang has established the Xinjiang Hami Hongliuhe Meteorological Station, while Gansu has set up the Dunhuang City Hongliuhe Administrative Committee. On the Qinghai-Xinjiang border, to compete for the Mengya asbestos mine, Qinghai has established Mengya Town, while Xinjiang has established Yitunbulaq Town. In areas without immediate economic benefits, both sides are reluctant to manage social order, creating blind spots in national administration. Over time, these areas are prone to the emergence of unhealthy social phenomena. Additionally, due to unclear boundaries, both sides exploit resources, increasing administrative costs and even leading to situations where management forces are insufficient to address issues, resulting in neglect. Therefore, after clarifying boundaries, administrative departments also face a clear jurisdiction and defined responsibilities.
3. Clarifying Boundaries Cannot Be a One-Time Solution
Although the boundaries of all provinces and counties have now been largely determined, this does not mean that the newly drawn boundaries will not face new problems. First, due to natural conditions, some boundary markers may be damaged by geological or climatic factors. In deserts, boundary markers can be buried by shifting sand dunes, leading to unclear new boundaries. Over time, the shifting course of rivers and the formation of new land in estuary areas due to sedimentation can also cause disputes between adjacent regions. Landslides and debris flows can move or even destroy boundary markers. Lightning strikes can also cause damage. Second, it cannot be ruled out that boundary markers may be moved artificially. If new profitable resources are discovered near the border, there is a possibility of artificial boundary marker movement to compete for resources. Therefore, in addition to preserving the results of this nationwide boundary survey in graphical, textual, and electronic data, government departments and grassroots administrative bodies near the boundary lines still need to conduct regular inspections and maintenance. Faced with ever-changing social life, there must also be dynamic boundary management personnel.
4. The Kind of Mindset to Adopt Toward Boundary Demarcation
The mindset toward boundary demarcation is not only related to the success of the demarcation but also to the fate of future generations. Boundary demarcation has existed since ancient times, but in traditional China, the central dynasty considered itself the center of the world, and all other regions were expected to be subservient. The idea that "all under heaven belongs to the emperor" was deeply rooted. Therefore, there was no serious boundary demarcation between the central dynasty and feudal states. The emperor believed that since the entire land was his, the legitimacy of feudal rulers depended on imperial endorsement. The feudal rulers also governed the emperor's land, with the only difference being that some were vassal states and others were directly under the emperor. This mindset, inherited from the Western Zhou Dynasty, dominated all unified dynasties, including the Qing Dynasty. Under this mindset, the central directly administered regions and the feudal states governed by tribal rulers did not demarcate boundaries as clearly as modern states with a sense of national sovereignty, which demanded clear boundaries and a fight for every inch of land. For example, the story in the book about Emperor Yongzheng of the Qing Dynasty demarcating the border with Annam (modern-day Vietnam) reflects this mindset. In the third year of his reign, Gao Qizhuo, the Governor of Yunnan and Guizhou, was instructed by Emperor Yongzheng to demarcate the border with Annam. After thoroughly researching history, Gao Qizhuo believed that since the Ming and Qing dynasties, Annam had advanced 240 li toward Yunnan and demanded the recovery of all territory according to the Ming Dynasty's boundaries. However, Emperor Yongzheng considered Annam "to have been loyal and commendable" since the Ming Dynasty and thus "should be rewarded rather than fought over for a few inches of land." He also believed that "all under heaven are children of the emperor," so he ordered that no conflict be made over it. Fearing Gao Qizhuo's persistence, he replaced him with Ertai, whom he believed would act impartially. After Ertai took office, he adopted a compromise approach, but the Annamese king was dissatisfied and submitted a letter with strong wording. Emperor Yongzheng considered the wording disrespectful and refused his request. Later, the Annamese king submitted a letter expressing "regret and gratitude," and Emperor Yongzheng then ordered to show favor and grant land, satisfying the Annamese king's demands and demarcating the boundary. The emperor believed that if you were loyal, he would give you more territory and not fight over it, considering it an act of for your generations of loyalty. If you were disrespectful, he would immediately revoke the decision, serving as a warning. Under this mindset that "all under heaven is the emperor's land, and all people are the emperor's subjects," the concept of boundaries was not entirely the same as the modern concept of national sovereignty. This is an issue to be noted when examining the relationship between modern China and the past feudal states in terms of boundaries.
Secondly, in demarcation, is it to follow orders or to be practical? This is a matter of life and property for the people. The book describes how the demarcation of the Gansu-Qinghai border in 1958–1959, due to unrealistic practices and the failure to respect the basic rights of the original inhabitants, resulted in the relocation of people based on an inaccurate administrative map issued by the central government. This caused significant property and unnecessary loss of life for the Su Nan Yugur ethnic group and the Mongolian, Tibetan, Uyghur, and Han ethnic groups. The relocation made their lives and production extremely difficult and caused psychological harm, leading to negative political effects. It was only after the matter was brought to the attention of Premier Zhou Enlai that the wrong approach was stopped, avoiding greater losses. However, the aftereffects of this incident were severe and not easily eliminated in the short term. This is a serious lesson in demarcation. If local officials can consider the long-term interests of the people and work with the other side to be understanding and accommodating, it would be a blessing for both sides of the boundary. Otherwise, if disputes escalate, not only will natural resources be destroyed, but there will be armed clashes, with people either dying or injured. In the worst case, a long-term state of confrontation will arise, where personal safety cannot be guaranteed, severely affecting production and life. This is not a blessing for the people on the border. If local officials are afraid of being blamed for losing territory and fail to be understanding or accommodating when they should, the damage to local development cannot be compensated by giving up some land.
Secretary-General Jiang Yi of Guilin Municipal Committee truly understood the profound meaning of the ancient saying "letting the other side have three feet more space is no harm," showing exceptional insight. By actively resolving the boundary dispute between Guilin and Hunan's Lingling Prefecture and mutually accommodating to demarcate the long-standing disputed boundary, he has done an extraordinary deed for the people on both sides of the border, who had been severely affected by the dispute for a long time. Those who come after should take this as an example.
5. Current Models for Resolving Island Disputes in the Globalization Context and Their Implications for China's Boundary Survey
In Chapter 5, The Unquiet Gulf, the book introduces numerous disputes over islands and coastal shoals between coastal provinces in China. It is evident that the disputing parties are competing fiercely for these exploitable resources, even resorting to armed conflict, with some provinces using public security and armed police to occupy disputed islands. In some cases, even central government intervention cannot calm the disputes. Apart from the central government ordering the parties to sit down and negotiate or appointing a special envoy to mediate, there is a lack of other non-governmental mediation organizations to facilitate resolution. On one hand, this is because our society is not yet developed enough to have non-governmental organizations or mediation bodies in social life, and we have not yet moved beyond the pre-modern state-centric and unorganized civilian model. Civilian non-governmental autonomous organizations and various mediation organizations are underdeveloped. On the other hand, irrational problem-solving mindsets and fixed thinking are also reasons why many disputes cannot reach a consensus through mutual understanding.
The chapter also introduces the dispute over the sovereignty and economic 200-mile exclusive economic zone of Yangmaiyan Island between Iceland and Norway, which led to the formation of a non-governmental mediation committee. This committee hired experts to make authoritative assessments. According to the expert assessment, the island does not belong to Iceland, but it was recommended that the two sides jointly develop it. Both governments accepted this suggestion. The book mentions that "such mediation committees are very popular in the West, such as in the organizations outside urban local governments, which often mediate various conflicts and issues between cities." This phenomenon indicates, on one hand, the maturity of civil society in Western countries and, on the other hand, that the people in these countries better understand the relationship between humans and each other and between humans and nature. Therefore, in the face of rights disputes, it is crucial to consider oneself while respecting others, rather than adopting an exclusive mindset based solely on one's own reasoning. This also affects whether disputes can be resolved and how they are resolved.
The chapter introduces four models for resolving disputed maritime areas in the current world: the supranational management model, the joint management model, the agency model, and the joint venture operation model. The book uniquely points out that for a long time, our geography textbooks and political geography have only emphasized the imperialist colonialism and maritime hegemony, expanding their own spheres of influence, rarely mentioning the new trends of peacefully resolving disputed territories and jointly developing disputed maritime areas according to international relations norms and new regulations of international law since World War II, especially in the context of globalization. The idea proposed by Deng Xiaoping in 1984 to resolve maritime sovereignty disputes through "," has already formed various examples internationally, yet these are not introduced, misleading the public into thinking that maritime delimitation and island disputes are "" (). Objectively, this encourages irrational nationalism and fosters the idea that relying on force and believing in force is the only way to resolve disputes. "For example, in the new situation where 240 maritime boundaries need to be demarcated worldwide (post-new maritime law—author's note), it only highlights the one-sided aspect that the task is arduous, without mentioning the basic fact that 154 have been successfully demarcated, with 132 already in effect. For the most representative disputes, such as the Dokdo (Takeshima) dispute between Japan and South Korea, the dispute over islands in the Aegean Sea between Greece, Turkey, and Cyprus, and the dispute over waters among Thailand, Malaysia, and Vietnam in Thailand's waters, attention is paid, but the current popular trend of ",, resources," in disputed maritime areas is deliberately avoided. This not only seals off and deprives the public of the right to know in this regard but also loses the reference materials for learning and to resolve such disputes. From a certain perspective, this is a form of 'sea boundary information isolationism' for China."
The author of the book particularly laments, "It is regrettable and disappointing that to this day, there has been no case in the disputes over islands, shoals, and adjacent waters between coastal provinces in China that has adopted the ',' approach. This not only shows the imperfections in China's maritime basic regulations and the weakness and chaos in management but also indicates that China's measures to handle maritime disputes have lagged behind those of other countries facing the same problems."
The insights of Mr. Jin and Mr. Su in this regard, in surveying the big trends of world development, have indeed given me many new revelations.
The above points are what I gained from reading this book. However, I believe that the idea of peaceful coexistence and resolving disputes peacefully, which China advocates internationally, should not only be a principle in foreign relations but also a basic attitude for the people in handling boundary disputes between domestic administrative regions and various social disputes. Only when all levels of government and the people culturally move toward civilization and rationality can we avoid emotional and irrational reactions in the face of disputes, which could at best disrupt production and life order and damage resources, and at worst lead to tragic loss of life.
Additionally, the book reveals some little-known interesting facts, such as the fact that China's land area has still not been accurately determined. In short, the book is rich in information, and reading it from different perspectives yields different insights. I hope those concerned with national affairs will read it carefully.
The shortcomings of the book lie in the somewhat disorganized arrangement of some materials. I hope the author will have the opportunity to rewrite it and arrange the materials from the perspective of readers' use.
Positional Border: China's Boundary Delimitation Report (Volume 1 and 2)
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