Face (The Power Game of the Chinese)

Author: Huang Guangguo
Publisher:
Publish Date: 2004-01-01
Features: The book extensively discusses the concepts of "face" and "face," such as "losing face," "gaining face," "shameless," "thick-skinned," "ashamed to meet people," "dignity," "giving face," "saving face," "showing off face," and "looking for face." These concepts have become fundamental to daily life and social interactions among Chinese people. Moreover, these concepts reflect the deep psychological structure of Chinese people under the influence of Confucian thought, thereby revealing the prominent role of "human feelings and face" in the bureaucratic systems of China throughout history. It is reported that the book includes nine essays, five of which were previously published in Taiwan. They not only sparked strong responses from the academic community at the time but also sold exceptionally well, with over ten reprints. The China Renmin University Press published this book in mainland China, preserving the essence of the original while adding new essays to enrich its content. If you read this fascinating book on "face," you will gain a more comprehensive understanding of "The Art of Being Thick-Skinned." Of course, such a book also serves as a window into the inner world of Chinese people. The wisdom of power games in Chinese society is sensitive. It is said that when Victor Hugo visited Notre-Dame Cathedral in Paris, he noticed the word "destiny" carved on a wall. Its pain, twisted and aged, deeply moved the writer, and the inspiration for The Hunchback of Notre-Dame instantly illuminated his mind. An ordinary person might have completely overlooked it, even if they saw it, they would have dismissed it as nothing. "Face" is an ancient concept in the rich vocabulary of Chinese, so familiar that it is often taken for granted. However, Professor Huang Guangguo, with the keen insight of a psychologist, captured the deeper symbolic meaning of Chinese cultural and social psychology it embodies. From this starting point, he integrated Confucian thought and Western modern philosophy to establish a localized theory model of "human feelings and face." Under this model, interpersonal relationships in Chinese society are categorized into emotional relationships, mixed relationships, and instrumental relationships. When a requester asks a resource allocator to distribute resources in their favor, the resource allocator first makes a "relationship judgment." For those they define as emotional relationships, they treat them according to the principle of demand; for those they define as mixed relationships, they treat them according to the principle of human feelings; and for those they define as instrumental relationships, they treat them according to the principle of fairness. However, regardless of which interactional rule applies, it is a derivative of the norm of "reciprocity." In emotional relationships, there is no clear boundary for either the resources or the timeline of the return. For example, parents raise their children to the best of their ability without calculating the cost. In mixed relationships, the principle of "reciprocity" and the return method of "give a peach and receive a plum" become the rule for maintaining the relationship. In instrumental relationships, the return is typically equivalent and immediate. On this basis, Professor Huang points out that one of the main motivations for Chinese people to do "human feelings" for others is their expectation of a return. To demonstrate the general applicability of the "human feelings and face" theory model, the author cites extensively from ancient Chinese cultural texts and analyzes the social behaviors of various characters in the story of Fan Jinzhi's success in the imperial examination in The Story of the Scholars. This proves the model's ability to interpret ancient Chinese social behavior. Subsequently, in the article "Confucian Relationalism and the Organizational Culture of Chinese Enterprises," the author uses this theoretical model to classify and analyze modern Chinese enterprises, highlighting the Confucian characteristics of the operating mechanisms in modern Chinese society. From the theoretical system of Confucian relationalism, the author deconstructs the power games of relationships and face. After analyzing the characteristics of face—such as its virtuality, dynamism, and multiplicity—the author explains a series of "face languages," such as "giving face," "damaging face," "borrowing face," and "considering face," revealing the connection between face and social interaction—the "unspoken rules" that actually govern Chinese society. The most enlightening aspect of this book is Professor Huang's proposal of a localized methodology in social psychology. In the concluding article, he reflects on his academic career and the process of constructing the "human feelings and face" theory model, proposing the "multiple paradigms" approach: building theories with "realism," analyzing culture with structuralism, and conducting empirical research with "pragmatism." In essence, this is a method of "applying Western knowledge to Eastern contexts," drawing from diverse sources. It holds significant positive implications for Chinese scholars studying traditional culture in the context of globalization.