(1973-2005) The Legend of the US Ambassador to China

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Features: There is a well-known saying in the diplomatic world, "Diplomatic authority is limited." This principle can also be applied to U.S. ambassadors abroad in a certain sense, as they are required to seek approval from Washington for major matters and act according to the instructions of the White House or the State Department. Regardless of their own views, they must adhere to the foreign policy decided by Washington, including the policy toward China. Some of them often say in testimony before the U.S. Congress, "Ambassadors are not policy makers but policy implementers." Therefore, their performance during their tenure and their role in China-U.S. relations are closely tied to the U.S. government's overall policy toward China. However, these U.S. ambassadors have different personal styles and political backgrounds, and they generally have strong personalities. As a result, within the bounds of adhering to the U.S. government's foreign policy toward China, different ambassadors can exercise their individual initiative during their tenure and play a significant role in China-U.S. relations. Some ambassadors continue to focus on China-U.S. relations after their retirement and continue to make efforts. Therefore, this book not only introduces the performance of these ambassadors during their tenure as U.S. ambassadors to China but also elaborates on their experiences before coming to China and their activities after retirement, so as to provide a comprehensive understanding of their thinking and different styles.
The 11 U.S. ambassadors to China, generally speaking, are appointed politically by the President, such as Bush, Gates, Woodcock, and Yang Muojie. Another category consists of career diplomats who rise through the ranks of the U.S. foreign service to become ambassadors, such as Henry Kissinger, James R. Lilley, and Lawrence Eagleburger. A few combine both categories, such as Bruce and James Lilley. These two groups have their own characteristics: politically appointed ambassadors are generally not experts on China issues and have limited prior knowledge of China, but they usually do not hold excessive biases against China and are open to new perspectives. They maintain close relationships with the President and can communicate directly with him, not being entirely constrained by the State Department. Therefore, these individuals can play a more prominent role in China-U.S. relations. Career diplomats, on the other hand, are often "China hands," speak Chinese, and have a deeper understanding of China. They are closely connected with the State Department and report to it, rarely bypassing the State Department to communicate directly with the President. These individuals also have significant influence in China-U.S. relations.
These 11 ambassadors have distinct styles. Some are cautious and reserved, avoiding unnecessary risks. For example, Bruce and Gates, both high-ranking ambassadors, stayed out of the public eye during their time in China, fearing trouble. This style suited the special needs of the early days of opening China-U.S. relations, when the U.S. was highly sensitive to China-related issues, and both sides had limited understanding of each other. Therefore, the White House's requirement for the Director of the U.S. Liaison Office in Beijing was not to be active or take action but to avoid drawing attention and prevent incidents. Another style is the opposite: early Bush, later Lawrence Eagleburger, and James Lilley, who disagreed with the early State Department's conservative instructions and advocated for active engagement in China to expand U.S. influence. Their approaches differed as well. Bush actively built relationships with Chinese leaders and; James Lilley, Woodcock, Lawrence Eagleburger, and Yang Muojie were all skilled orators who dared to express themselves to both Chinese and American audiences, especially James Lilley and Woodcock, who once faced criticism from the State Department for publicly expressing views differing from the government's stance.
From a political perspective, these ambassadors share a common goal of serving U.S. interests. While their starting points are the same, their expressions differ. For example, Bush, as a conservative Republican, was initially anti-communist and pro-Taiwan. When Nixon and Kissinger were planning to open relations with China, Bush even worked hard in the United Nations to keep Taiwan's illegal seat. Later, he gradually recognized the importance of China-U.S. relations and also advocated for developing them, though there was a gradual change in his stance. Woodcock, as ambassador, had already advocated for early normalization of China-U.S. relations and made significant efforts to push the Carter administration toward this goal, again for the benefit of U.S. interests on the global stage. In the 1990s, when U.S. public opinion was highly negative about China, James Lilley bravely spoke out in defense of China's reform and opening-up policies and human rights situation, earning accusations of being a "pro-China" ambassador. However, he frankly stated, "I am a pro-U.S. ambassador," acting in line with U.S. interests. At the end of the day, U.S. ambassadors all hope that China's development aligns with U.S. values, but how? Some advocate for developing cooperation and dialogue to influence China, while others exerting pressure or containment. History has repeatedly shown that pressuring China or pursuing containment policies are ineffective. Developing cooperation based on the principles outlined in the three Sino-U.S. joint communiques is beneficial to both sides and also aligns with U.S. national interests. We cannot expect U.S. ambassadors to act in China's interests, but we hope they can observe China fairly and objectively, accurately report China's current situation to the U.S., and continue to make efforts to promote the development of bilateral relations and foster understanding and friendship between the two peoples.
The author strives for accuracy and objectivity in introducing U.S. ambassadors to China, avoiding any fictional or exaggerated accounts. The contributions of these ambassadors to China-U.S. relations are always acknowledged, and praise is not spared for their commendable qualities. Criticisms of some individuals are offered to set the record straight, using facts and reason to allow readers to judge for themselves. During the writing process, reference was made to certain books published in China and the U.S., but the main materials are based on the author's accumulated knowledge over the years or personal experiences. As a result, the book contains previously undisclosed insights, all well-documented, and the author hopes its content will pique readers' interest and provide some enlightenment.
The author of this book, Wang Li, joined the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in 1954 and spent most of his time dealing with U.S. affairs. Therefore, he had opportunities to interact with and get to know some U.S. diplomats. Since 1973, when China and the U.S. established liaison offices in each other's capitals and appointed senior diplomats as directors, and following the formal establishment of diplomatic relations in January 1979, both sides exchanged ambassadors. From 1973 to the present, 11 U.S. liaison office directors or ambassadors have been sent to Beijing. The author has had some contact with all of them, and particularly close relationships with several, such as Bush, Woodcock, Henry Kissinger, Lawrence Eagleburger, James Lilley, and others, giving him a deeper understanding of them. Now, the author has written down his personal experiences and observations, partly to let readers see the various performances and styles of senior U.S. diplomats, and partly to offer a glimpse into the development and changes of China-U.S. relations from a non-trivial perspective. These ambassadors are participants and witnesses to the evolution of China-U.S. relations. Through their experiences and statements, readers can uncover some untold stories and details related to China-U.S. relations.