Cambridge A History of American Foreign Relations (Volume 1 and 2)

Author: (American) Kung Chao (Wallace I.)
Publisher:
Publish Date: 2004-05-04
Features: The main purpose of editing The Cambridge History of American Foreign Relations is to allow a broad readership to enjoy the masterpieces contributed by top scholars in the field of history. Volume I (The Creation of the Republican Empire) is written by Professor Bradford Perkins, an outstanding historian specializing in American foreign relations in the late 18th and early 19th centuries, and a veteran figure in the field of diplomatic history today. Perkins believes that the foreign policy of the young republic is a product of material interests, culture, and various national values. Through discussions on the Constitution and foreign affairs, he outlines a main thread that runs through the other volumes: from Washington, every president has consistently sought to dominate policy, which runs counter to the intentions of the participants at the Constitutional Convention. He argues that the rise of the American empire stems from greed for land and resources, not from the right to rule other nations. However, it is precisely this right to rule other ethnic groups—Native Americans, Mexicans, and especially African Americans—that led to the Civil War and its diplomatic consequences during that period—this is the last event discussed in this volume. This masterpiece outlines the years in which the United States rose as a nation and laid the foundation for becoming a world power in the 19th century. The second volume (The Search for Opportunity by Americans) is written by Walter LaFeber, a highly respected member of the Wisconsin School of diplomatic historians. LaFeber’s volume covers the last third of the 19th century and extends to 1913, the end of William Howard Taft’s presidency in the 20th century. He explores the connection between the growth of American economic power and expansionism, adding a theme of racism, particularly in analyzing Native Americans and Filipinos. Impressive is his opposition to the idea that the United States was pursuing order. He points out that Americans sought economic and missionary opportunities abroad, showing little regard for the chaos they brought to other countries. A revolution in China or Mexico was merely the price the United States paid for greater benefits, especially when this price was borne by locals. Another inescapable theme is the use of diplomacy to expand presidential power. The third volume (The Globalization of America) begins in the pre-World War I era and ends with World War II, written by the former president of the American Historical Association and one of the most insightful international relations historians of our generation, Akira Iriye. Born in Japan and educated in the United States, Iriye is deeply committed to studying the pervasive cultural conflicts and fusion within power politics, particularly the situation when the United States confronts East Asian nations directly. Iriye’s volume begins with a brief account of the evolving international system from the 17th, 18th, and 19th centuries, dominated by Europe. He analyzes Wilsonianism during wartime and peacetime and how it was applied in Asia and Latin America. The author’s discussion of the “cultural aspects” of the 1920s is particularly striking. Iriye argues that this period he wrote about constitutes the “Globalization of America”—when the United States replaced Europe as the world leader and provided economic and cultural resources to plan and maintain international order. The fourth volume (The United States during the Soviet Hegemony) also focuses heavily on the U.S.-East Asia relationship, much like Iriye. My friend Michael Handel has classified me as a diplomatic historian in the “realist” school. My volume begins as World War II is nearing its end and concludes with the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991. I wrote about the vision of the postwar world order held by American leaders, noting their growing awareness of the threat the Soviet Union posed to that vision. The concept of the “security dilemma,” where each side’s defensive actions appear as a threat to the other, plays a prominent role in my analysis of the origins of the Cold War. I also emphasized the important role of the two political systems, the contradictory situation of American national strength and government weakness, and the hidden nature and cruelty of the Stalinist regime. In this volume, I pointed out the significance of the prewar colonial empires collapsing, a series of newly independent nations emerging in Asia, Africa, and Latin America, and the chaos caused by the United States and the Soviet Union trying to force them to join the international systems designed by Washington and Moscow, respectively. Finally, I described the resurgence of Germany and Japan as major powers, the disintegration of the Soviet Union, the trends in American development, and its uncertain direction in world affairs in the absence of an adversary. Despite the diverse ways each author approaches their subject, these four volumes share many themes. First, the United States has persistently pursued wealth and power, as vividly described by Perkins and LaFeber. Iriye shows how the United States, after rising as a world leader following World War I, used its wealth and power. I explored the behavior of the United States as a hegemon in the post-World War II era and its response to the threats to its dominance. The second crucial theme is the struggle for control over foreign policy. Each author highlights the tensions between the presidency and Congress brought about by the constitutional system, as well as how each president since 1789 has sought to bypass the constitutional constraints on their power. We all focus on the factors that shape American identity on the world stage. We examine the evolution of American values and compare them with American international behavior. Additionally, we are concerned about the impact of the United States’ global actions on domestic order and the troubling fact that the virtuous and virtuous republic envisioned by Thomas Jefferson has been forgotten. These are ominous signs for Americans and the world they claim to lead with a “destined leadership.”