In the Name of the Godfather, History of the Black Hand

Author: Marino
Translator: Cao Jingang
Country: Italy
Publisher:
Publish Date: 2000-12-01
Features:
14 The Resurgence of the Mafia: In an unprecedented way, the Allied forces and the separatist Fascists created the premise for Sicilian-style cooperation between the Mafia and the state, while also creating the conditions for the former to completely break away from the latter. The "March on the Great Land" movement launched by Mussolini in 1940 further intensified the Mafia's resentment against Fascism. The mastermind behind the movement was Giuseppe Tasca, and the leader was a charismatic technocrat, Nello Mazzaoli Alemani. Many prominent intellectuals also joined the movement. This was not an agricultural reform, but a significant step forward compared to the "comprehensive improvement" activities previously carried out by the Fascist regime, which was merely a way to continue protecting the interests of the large landowners. The "March on the Great Land" was a movement for agricultural modernization, initiated partly out of Italy's need to enter the war and partly to show concern for the farmers who had been conscripted. According to the plan, the state could even seize the land of large landowners who were still unable to cultivate it with government subsidies. The entire plan was implemented by the "Sicilian Great Land Lease Agency." Although the movement had its limitations, it at least politically established the principle of transferring land to farmers through "improved lease contracts," laying the foundation for post-war agricultural reform. In fact, shortly after World War II, Mario Ovazza, a Jewish engineer, inherited the legacy of the aforementioned agency and became an important figure in the history of the Communist Party of Sicily. Clearly, the "March on the Great Land" movement caused great panic among the large landowners in Sicily, who saw it as an infringement on the traditional "rights" of Sicily. In response, Ruggero Tasca, a representative of the rural mafia, published a defamatory article titled "Praise for the Great Land," which later became the bible of the anti-agricultural reform movement.
In 1943, when the Allied forces landed in Sicily, the anti-Fascist faction within the mafia groups further expanded. All those mafia members who had been detained or exiled by the Morley governor were transformed into "victims of Fascist persecution" under various pretexts. Upon regaining their freedom, they immediately transformed into anti-Fascists. Moreover, many in the U.S. Allied forces were "cousins" of the Sicilian mafia. Since Americans saw themselves as the representatives of democracy, the local mafia quickly imitated them by calling themselves "democrats" and even took Charles Polleri, an official from the Allied military authorities in Sicily, as their protector. At this time, Andrea Fenoglio Aprile, who had strongly opposed Fascist politics in the 1920s, naturally became their leader. Aprile, satisfied to see history proving his beliefs, then logically framed Fascism as a new manifestation of colonial rule by the northern rulers of Italy over Sicily. He also warned the Sicilians to be vigilant against the northern Italians, who were using the name of anti-Nazi resistance to once again stir up worker movements and subsequent revolutionary movements across Italy. Taking this opportunity, he formed an alliance with the rural high-ranking mafia members, led by Tasca, and with the cautious approval of the Americans, established the Sicilian Independence Movement. He recruited many "celebrities" and "lackeys" who had been detained by Mussolini.
Regarding the relationship between the Allied military authorities in Sicily and separatism and the mafia, it is still difficult to find convincing historical truths. Even Charles Polleri, who was over eighty years old, claimed in a recent interview that he was surprised to say: "No, we never heard of the mafia, let alone had any connection with them. I was in a high position back then, and if there was such a thing, I would definitely have known." He also specifically stated that, in his view, the mafia never existed and was merely a fabrication by "intellectuals." Obviously, he would never consider his close friend Antonini and the bosses controlling the port unions in the U.S. as terrifying mafia members, nor would he see his trusted associate in Palermo, Ruziano, as a mafia member, nor would he be surprised by the mafia members who provided intelligence to the Allies. Polleri also believed that by appointing Ruzio Tasca as the mayor of Palermo and other anti-Fascist "liberals" as mayors of other small towns on the island, he had contributed to the construction of democracy in Italy. Additionally, he handed over grain depots to the control of mafia boss Vincenzo DiCaro and tasked a doctor in Corleone, Michael Navara (also a boss of the famous mafia member Ruziano Ricco), with establishing a transport company based in Palermo, which later controlled most of the "black market" transactions in the city.
Clearly, in the aforementioned interview, old Polleri denied any connection with separatism, but it cannot be denied that the Sicilian Independence Movement led by Aprile achieved great success partly because it advertised itself as a "party of the Americans." At that time, the entire "bourgeois mafia"—from the wealthy landowners to the sub-tenants—joined Aprile's camp, and some radical members even demanded that Sicily become the 49th state of the U.S. The hope for America, combined with the anti-colonial propaganda by Aprile, Tasca, and Vizzini against the northern Italians, led the common people of Sicily to strongly demand independence for the island. Antonio Canepa, a young professor at the University of Catania, driven by fervent revolutionary passion, even organized his students to form the "Sicilian Independence Volunteer Corps." On June 17, 1945, this organization clashed with the gendarmerie and was suppressed. Some even suspect that the mafia helped suppress this tragedy because they deemed the organization too "radical."
Returning to the main line of our analysis, it must be pointed out that at the time, many gangs also portrayed the U.S. as a land of freedom, especially the new gang leader, Salvatore Juliano, who expanded his activities across Sicily. The Sicilian separatist movement also recruited the entire gang and appointed Juliano as the colonel of the "Sicilian Independence Volunteer Corps."
In summary, what changes occurred on the island after the Allied landing? Initially, the Americans adopted a pragmatic policy to ensure military success, fully utilizing the reorganization of the anti-Fascist mafia in Sicily. At the same time, they promoted this reorganization process through intelligence agencies and mafia members recruited in the U.S. who had close ties with Sicilians. In the process of the Americans' connection with the Sicilian mafia, the secretive part of the mafia organization, the Freemasons, held an extraordinary priority. Perhaps Charles Polleri himself was an important member of the Freemasons, and his close American friends were no exception. It is difficult to determine the nature of the connection between Giuseppe Castellano (who signed the surrender in Cassibile with the help of Vito Guaraci) and the Freemasons by November 1944, but he formed a political organization that supported Sicilian autonomy with Guaraci, Vito Fdera, a lawyer, and a mafia boss, Carlogero Vizzini. Important documents seized by the Americans confirmed these activities. All this had a significant impact on Sicilian society. Specifically, in the interactions between U.S. intelligence officers and the Freemasons, the mafia members, leveraging their close ties with their "cousins" across the ocean, were seen as the main strategic force by Italy's "pro-American" factions. In this way, regardless of how the world viewed it, the mafia had been elevated to the level of a true political force.
With the start of the Cold War and the fear of the further expansion of communist influence in Italy, in the name of protecting the interests of the "free world," the mafia organization became an even more important political lever. The interaction between Sicily and the U.S. had already created the necessary and sufficient conditions for the formation of "Our Cause," an organization that was truly engaged in political-economic-crime and was widespread and elusive.