1973-2005 The Legend of the US Ambassador to China

Author: Wang Li
Publisher:
Publish Date: 2005-08-01
Features: There is a well-known saying in the diplomatic world, "Diplomatic authority is limited." This principle can also apply to U.S. ambassadors abroad, as they are all required to consult Washington and act according to the instructions of the White House or the State Department. Regardless of their own views, they must adhere to the foreign policy decided in Washington, including the policy toward China. Some of them often say in testimony before the U.S. Congress, "Ambassadors are not policy makers but policy implementers." Therefore, their performance during their tenure and their role in China-U.S. relations are closely tied to the U.S. government's overall policy toward China. However, these U.S. ambassadors have different personal styles and political backgrounds, and they generally have strong personalities. Therefore, within the bounds of adhering to the U.S. government's policy toward China, different ambassadors can exercise their personal initiative during their tenure and play an important role in China-U.S. relations. Some ambassadors continue to follow up on changes in China-U.S. relations after their retirement and continue to make their efforts. Therefore, this book not only introduces the performance of these ambassadors during their tenure as U.S. ambassadors to China but also elaborates on their experiences before coming to China and their situation after retirement, so as to provide a comprehensive understanding of their thoughts and styles.
The 11 U.S. ambassadors to China, generally speaking, are appointed politically by the President, such as Bush, Gates, Woodcock, and Yang Muojie. Another category consists of career diplomats who rise through the ranks of the U.S. diplomatic service to become ambassadors, such as Henry Kissinger, James R. Lilley, and Warren Christopher. A few combine both aspects, like Bruce and James Lilley. These two categories have their own characteristics: politically appointed ambassadors are generally not experts on China and have limited prior knowledge of the country, but they usually do not hold excessive biases against China and are open to new perspectives. They have close relationships with the President and can directly communicate with him, not being entirely constrained by the State Department. Therefore, these individuals can play a more prominent role in China-U.S. relations. Career diplomats, on the other hand, are usually "China hands," speak Chinese, and have a deeper understanding of the country. They are closely tied to the State Department and report to it, rarely going directly to the President without the State Department's involvement. These individuals also have significant influence in China-U.S. relations.
These 11 ambassadors have their own unique styles. Some are cautious and reserved, such as Bruce and Gates, who held high positions but remained secluded during their time in China, fearing trouble. This style suited the special needs of the early days of opening China-U.S. relations, when the U.S. was highly sensitive to its relations with China, and both sides had limited understanding of each other. Therefore, the White House's requirement for the Director of the U.S. Liaison Office in Beijing was not to be active or take action but to avoid drawing attention and prevent incidents. Another style is the opposite—early Bush, later Lord, and James Lilley, for example, disagreed with the early State Department's instructions to adhere to rigid rules and advocated actively engaging with China to expand U.S. influence. Their approaches differed as well: Bush actively established connections with Chinese leaders and; James Lilley, Woodcock, Lord, and Yang Muojie were all skilled orators who dared to express themselves to both Chinese and American audiences, especially James Lilley and Woodcock, who once faced criticism from the State Department for publicly expressing views differing from the government's stance.
From a political perspective, the common point of these ambassadors is serving U.S. interests. Although their starting points are the same, their expressions differ. For example, Bush, as a conservative Republican, was anti-communist and pro-Taiwan in his early years. When Nixon and Kissinger planned to open relations with China, he even worked hard in the United Nations to retain Taiwan's illegal seat. Later, he gradually recognized the importance of China-U.S. relations and also advocated its development, with a gradual change in perspective. Ambassador Woodcock, when he took office, had already advocated early normalization of China-U.S. relations and made active efforts to push for it under the Carter administration. His motivation was also to serve U.S. interests in the global context. In the 1990s, when U.S. public opinion was highly negative toward China, Ambassador James Lilley bravely spoke out in defense of China's reform and opening-up policies and human rights situation, earning accusations of being a "pro-China" diplomat. However, he frankly stated, "I am a pro-U.S. diplomat," acting in line with U.S. interests. At the end of the day, U.S. ambassadors all hope that China's development aligns with U.S. value standards, but how? Some advocate developing cooperation and dialogue to influence China, while others advocate applying pressure or containment. Facts have repeatedly proven that pressuring China or pursuing containment policies are ineffective. Developing cooperation based on the principles outlined in the three Sino-U.S. joint communiques is beneficial to both sides and also aligns with U.S. national interests. We cannot expect U.S. ambassadors to act for China's interests, but we hope they can observe China with fairness and objectivity, accurately report China's current situation to the U.S., and continuously make efforts to promote the development of bilateral relations and foster understanding and friendship between the two peoples.
When introducing U.S. ambassadors to China, the author strives for truthfulness and objectivity, avoiding any fictional or fabricated content. The contributions these ambassadors have made to China-U.S. relations are always affirmed, and their commendable aspects are not spared praise. Criticisms of some individuals are raised to set the record straight, using facts and reason to let readers judge for themselves. During the writing process, reference was made to certain books published in China and the U.S., but the main materials are based on the author's accumulated knowledge over the years or personal experiences. Therefore, the book contains many revelations that have never been disclosed before, all well-documented. The author hopes the content will pique readers' interest and provide some insights.
Author Wang Li joined the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in 1954 and spent most of his time dealing with U.S. affairs. Therefore, he had the opportunity to interact with and get to know some U.S. diplomats. Starting in 1973, the U.S. and China established liaison offices in each other's capitals, sending senior diplomats as directors. In January 1979, China-U.S. relations were officially normalized, followed by the exchange of ambassadors. From 1973 to the present, 11 U.S. liaison office directors or ambassadors have been sent to Beijing. The author has had some contact with these individuals, and particularly close relationships with several, such as Bush, Woodcock, Henry Kissinger, Lord, James Lilley, and James R. Lilley, leading to a deeper understanding of them. Now, the author has written down his personal experiences and observations, first to let readers see the various performances and styles of senior U.S. diplomats, and second to provide a glimpse into the development and changes of China-U.S. relations from a non-trivial perspective. These ambassadors are participants and witnesses to the evolution of China-U.S. relations. From their experiences and statements, readers can uncover some untold stories and details related to China-U.S. relations.