Order in the Ming and Qing Folk Society (Nanqiang History Series)

Author: Wang Rigen
Publisher:
Publishing Date: 2003-10-01
Features: As Chinese historians step into the 21st century, they seem to become more profound, calmer, and pragmatic while immersed in the achievements of Chinese social progress. This is because our government and society have gradually become more tolerant in providing the necessary space for the survival of humanities, including history. The research direction of these humanities is not merely focused on the past. When we examine the history of ancient Chinese civilization, we cannot help but marvel: Despite having experienced so many dynasties and emperors, Chinese civilization has never been interrupted. Moreover, when we calmly reflect on it today, we can summarize many excellent traditions. At the same time, we should remember that, thanks to these traditions, our society was not just a "stagnant" one; it also achieved a transformation from a lower to a higher social form. This transformation included not only the cleansing effect of intense social changes on societal filth but also the persistent and diligent efforts of numerous national elites, progressive individuals, and countless common people. Throughout history, the blood of the Chinese nation has flowed with the passion of "keeping pace with the times," surging with the breadth of "embrace and inclusiveness." Some say that traditional Chinese society was full of wars and struggles, but in reality, that is because many vernacular novels chose wars and struggles as their themes. Some argue that chaos was greater than order in Chinese history, but this is because historians since Sima Qian have largely adhered to the principle of "detailed on change, brief on gradual progress," allowing the content of the five-hundred-year Spring and Autumn and Warring States period to occupy one-third of the content of their three-thousand-year long historical narrative. When historians shift their focus from emperors and courts to common people and society, we see the order and tranquility in the process of historical evolution. We believe that peace and development are actually the main themes of Chinese history. The forces driving Chinese society forward along the tracks of peace and development do not come solely from official sources. Research on the role of central government and centralization has long been abundant, with some overestimating its influence on society, summarized in the saying, "All under heaven is the land of the king; all along the shores are the subjects of the king." Another view holds that the central government was actually inactive, with local self-governance being the primary characteristic of grassroots social management. We believe that to achieve a correct understanding of this issue, one must break free from the narrow framework of past "class struggle." While class struggle is indeed the fundamental contradiction in class societies, this contradiction can be mitigated through mutual efforts, as the interdependent symbiotic relationship is clear to all. Thus, rulers have made their efforts for the continuity and development of Chinese society, while the ruled have also contributed to social stability by accepting mainstream cultural concepts. Although many social management institutions in traditional Chinese society were established by the government, there were also self-governing organizations in the society, such as clans, local clans, associations, and guilds. These organizations not only managed the settled population but also the mobile population, not only in form but also in spirit. These actions were not driven by official coercion but were often the conscious efforts of grassroots social elites. Moreover, these actions were often beyond the scope of existing management systems, and even when the government recognized them, responses could not always be immediate. Furthermore, Chinese society has been continuously developing, with social change factors emerging to some extent, and social management often reacts quickly and efficiently. Thus, it is not difficult to see that in historical evolution, official efforts and efforts often complement and support each other, jointly advancing toward a better state. Some official policies or systems are actually transformations of successful practices. When official orders fail, society can sometimes still function normally. Some say that Chinese society is an ordered society, and through the study of traditional political civilization's "harmony between officials and the people," we can deepen our understanding of this view. For this reason, this book is structured as follows:
Part 1 provides a comprehensive examination of the social order during the Ming and Qing dynasties, reviewing the academic history of grassroots social management studies and constructing a systematic framework for grassroots social management organizations. Through case studies, it reveals the differences in social integration organizations across regions in early Qing Fujian and the intrinsic connections between and feudal authorities during the Ming and Qing periods.
Part 2 explores the relationship between and social order. , a form of grassroots public property that emerged in the Song Dynasty, is linked to the changes in Song Dynasty society, the intensification of social polarization, and the diversification of ideological and cultural trends. The establishment of is also related to local social customs. In Fujian, includes both intra-clan and extra-clan types, with a greater emphasis on merchant donations and widespread participation, though fewer in number than in Jiangnan. can serve to promote trust and integrity but can also be used in inter-clan conflicts or, thus differing from Jiangnan. During the Ming and Qing dynasties, was a nationwide land form that played a positive social role in the later stages of feudal China, stabilizing traditional social order. The significant development of social undertakings in Fujian during the Ming and Qing dynasties became a key indicator of social stability and prosperity. In other regions, the development of social undertakings was often associated with commercial growth, the advocacy of scholars, and a culture that valued righteousness.
Part 3 examines the role of in social order. is a grassroots self-governing organization that reflects social changes during the Ming and Qing dynasties. Emerging in the capital during the Yongle era, it gradually evolved into various forms, including official-scholar test-taker guilds, commercial guilds, and migrant guilds. has increasingly clear functions: "worshipping gods, harmonizing music, undertaking charitable acts, and enforcing contracts." It has played a role in integrating mobile populations that the government has struggled to manage. The bonds of are primarily based on hometown ties, with local gods serving as their spiritual pillars, giving them stability and vitality. From the architectural layout and geographical distribution of , we can see that they often represent the political, economic, and cultural strength of a region. Despite their different types, still reflect the influence of official-scholar power, demonstrating the significant impact of official forces in a bureaucratic society. The study of Suzhou and Anhui reveals the tendency toward "harmony between officials and merchants" in their development. The growth of various during the Ming and Qing dynasties is closely related to the government's adjusted governance strategies. The decline of "" (merchant guilds) often coincided with the rise of , as pursued self-order while "" were institutions the government once sought to regulate markets. Relying on was a way for the government to delegate some power to self-governing organizations, resulting in positive outcomes—efficient and reduced burdens on the government. As organizations, adapted well to social changes, adjusting their roles in a timely manner, thus aligning with the times while preserving traditions. Since modern times, have also played a positive role in the development of merchant associations, further demonstrating these characteristics. Case studies of the Tinglong and the examination of in Tong'an, both within and beyond China, help us better understand the regional characteristics of and their role in shaping local culture.
Part 4 explores the role of in social order. Organizations such as and reflect the growth of moral, professional, or interest-based groups outside the family. They provide another avenue for social integration in grassroots society beyond government institutions and family organizations. The society can unite under the banner of local worthies or gather in the presence of common deities.
Part 5 examines the role of the family in social order. Family studies have been extensively explored by scholars such as Fu Yiling, Chen Zhiping, and Zheng Zhenman. This part aims to show that the development of families in Fujian during the Ming and Qing dynasties was closely related to local "external threats," not necessarily transplanting family structures, and that family development was not closely tied to agricultural production methods but rather flourished in areas with developed commerce. This can also be seen in overseas Chinese societies. Many examples of the continuation and development of commoner families during the Ming and Qing dynasties, especially in Fujian, are noteworthy. Analyzing the internal mechanisms of the continuation and development of these commoner landlord families and their dual nature—both detached from and concerned with politics—will help us understand the renewal and stability mechanisms of Chinese society.
Part 6 discusses the role of commerce in social order. This part explores the social environment of Ming and Qing merchants, the transformation of their business methods, the relationship between commercial development and cultural development, and the impact of commerce on the changing structure of Chinese society. Historically, there have been differing views on the role of commerce in traditional society. Some emphasize its revolutionary nature and its destructive impact on traditional society, while others highlight its dependence on traditional governments and its correlation with political corruption, revealing a tendency toward superficial prosperity in Chinese commerce. Fu Yiling's early research pointed out that some commerce during the Ming and Qing dynasties was family-run and played a role in reinforcing traditional social order. Following this line of inquiry, we aim to reveal the positive role and limitations of the merchant class in leading social change.
The specific research objectives of these six parts all aim to demonstrate a key point: during the Ming and Qing dynasties, the tendency toward "harmony between officials and the people" in traditional Chinese political civilization became increasingly prominent and effectively maintained the forward development of Chinese society. The author does not claim that this research has reached the truth, and many of the conclusions and summaries may not be entirely reasonable. Only by attracting others to contribute to this discussion can we hope to achieve meaningful progress.