Cambridge History of American Foreign Relations (Volume 1 and 2)

Author: (American) Kung Chuan Hua, Editor-in-Chief, Wang Chen et al., Translators
Publisher:
Publish Date: 2004-05-07
Features: The purpose of editing The Cambridge History of American Foreign Relations is to allow a broad readership to appreciate the masterpieces contributed by top scholars in the field of history. Volume I (The Creation of the Republican Empire) is written by Professor Bradford Perkins, an outstanding historian specializing in American foreign affairs in the late 18th and early 19th centuries, and a veteran figure in the field of diplomatic history today. Perkins believes that the foreign policy of the young republic was a product of material interests, culture, and various national values. Through an exploration of the Constitution and foreign affairs, he outlines a main thread that runs through the other volumes: from Washington onwards, every president has consistently sought to dominate policy, which runs counter to the intentions of the Constitutional Convention participants. He argues that the rise of the American empire stemmed from greed for land and resources, not from the right to rule other nations. However, it was precisely this right to rule other ethnic groups—Native Americans, Mexicans, and especially African Americans—that led to the Civil War and its diplomatic consequences during that period—this is the last event discussed in this volume. This masterpiece outlines the years in which the United States rose as a nation and laid the foundation for becoming a world power in the 19th century. Volume II (The Search for Opportunity) is written by Walter LaFeber, a highly respected member of the Wisconsin School of diplomatic historians. LaFeber’s volume covers the last third of the 19th century and extends to 1913, the end of William Howard Taft’s presidency in the 20th century. He explores the connection between the growth of American economic power and expansionism, adding themes of racism, particularly in analyzing Native Americans and Filipinos. Impressive is his rejection of the idea that the United States was pursuing order. He points out that Americans sought economic and missionary opportunities abroad, showing little regard for the chaos they brought to other countries. A revolution in China or Mexico was merely the price the United States paid for greater benefits, especially when this cost was borne by locals. Another inescapable theme is the use of diplomacy to expand presidential power. Volume III (The Globalization of America) begins in the twilight of the First World War and ends with the Second World War, written by the former president of the American Historical Association and one of the most insightful international relations historians of our generation, Akira Iriye. Born in Japan and educated in the United States, Iriye is deeply committed to studying the pervasive cultural conflicts and convergences in power politics, particularly the situation when the United States clashed directly with East Asian nations. Iriye’s volume opens with a brief account of the evolving international system dominated by Europe in the 17th, 18th, and 19th centuries. He analyzes Wilsonianism during wartime and peacetime, as well as its application in Asia and Latin America. The author’s discussion of the “cultural aspects” of the 1920s is particularly striking. Iriye believes that this period he wrote about constitutes the “Globalization of America”——in which the United States replaced Europe as the world leader and provided economic and cultural resources to plan and maintain international order. Volume IV (American Power in the Age of Soviet Hegemony), much like Iriye, focuses heavily on the U.S.-East Asia relationship. My friend Michael Handel has classified me as a diplomatic historian in the “realist” school. My volume begins as the Second World War is nearing its end and concludes with the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991. I wrote about the vision of the postwar world order held by American leaders, noting their growing awareness of the threat the Soviet Union posed to this vision. The concept of the “security dilemma,” where each side’s defensive actions appear as a threat to the other, plays a prominent role in my analysis of the origins of the Cold War. I also emphasized the important role of the two political systems, the contradictory situation of American national strength and government weakness, and the hidden nature and cruelty of the Stalinist regime. In this volume, I pointed out the significance of the collapse of prewar colonial empires, the emergence of a series of newly independent countries in Asia, Africa, and Latin America, and the chaos caused by the United States and the Soviet Union trying to force them to join the international systems designed by Washington and Moscow, respectively. Finally, I described the resurgence of Germany and Japan as major powers, the disintegration of the Soviet Union, the trends in American development, and its uncertain direction in world affairs in the absence of an adversary. Despite the diverse ways in which each author approaches their subject, these four volumes share many themes. First, the United States has persistently pursued wealth and power, as vividly described by Perkins and LaFeber. Iriye shows how the United States, having risen as a world leader after the First World War, used its wealth and power. I explored the behavior of the United States as a hegemon in the post-Second World War period and its response to the threats to its dominance. The second crucial theme is the struggle for control over foreign policy. Each author highlights the tensions between the presidency and Congress brought about by the constitutional system, as well as how presidents since 1789 have sought to bypass the constitutional constraints on their power. We all focus on the factors that shape American identity on the world stage. We examine the evolution of American values and compare them with the nation’s international behavior. Additionally, we are concerned about the impact of the United States’ global actions on domestic order and the alarming state of the virtuous and moral republic envisioned by Thomas Jefferson, which seems to have been forgotten. These are ominous signs for Americans and the world they claim to lead with a “destined leadership.”