Interrogating the Ten War Criminals of the

Author: / Country: Mainland China
Publisher:
Publishing Date: 1998-01-01
Features: With the growing call for national resistance, both Wang and Zhou believed it was just empty talk. Wang was a staunch pro-Japanese figure, while Zhou Fenghai was the actual host of the "Low Profile Club." Driven by the belief that Japan's military was invincible, Zhou Fenghai had already built a basement in his home. After the full-scale outbreak of the war, those who knew about the basement came to take shelter from air raids, with some even staying there for days. This group of "Japan-phobic" patients would panic and rush to Zhou's house during air raids, crawling into the basement, and eventually grumbling and making absurd remarks, gradually forming a "Low Profile Club" that opposed the anti-Japanese resistance. It was at this time that Zhou Fenghai discussed with Wang Jingwei and, with Chiang Kai-shek's approval, sent Gao Zongwu and Lin Baisheng to Hong Kong to establish the "Japan Research Institute" and the "International Issues Research Institute," respectively. Under the guise of collecting materials, they traveled between Shanghai and Hong Kong, secretly collaborating with the Japanese forces to pursue "peace" activities. Later, Zhou Fenghai sent Gao Zongwu to Japan to hold secret talks with Shunroku Hata, Jun Toda, and others, determining that Wang Jingwei should be targeted to stabilize the situation. Hata, the Minister of War, even wrote a letter to Gao Zongwu, conveying this intention, which was then brought back to Wang Jingwei. However, Chiang Kai-shek discovered this and, furious, cursed and suspended Gao Zongwu's funding. Yet, Wang Jingwei and Zhou Fenghai believed they had accurately gauged Japan's intentions and, after consulting, decided to act independently of Chiang Kai-shek. Zhou Fenghai then sent Mei Siping to Hong Kong to join Gao Zongwu in secret negotiations with the Japanese side. After the fall of Guangzhou and Wuhan, Japanese Prime Minister Konoe issued the second China declaration, intensifying the temptation to surrender to the Nationalist Party. Wang Jingwei and Zhou Fenghai then rushed Gao Zongwu and Mei Siping to Shanghai to meet with Japanese figures like Teizō Yonai and Takejiro Imai, signing the "Shikidō Secret Agreement," which Mei Siping secretly brought back to Chongqing. Upon seeing the secret agreement, Wang Jingwei sought Zhou Fenghai's advice. Although he was hesitant to leave Chongqing and bear the stigma of betrayal, Zhou Fenghai was resolute, warning him of the consequences. With Chen Biquan's support, Zhou Fenghai convinced Wang Jingwei to accept the "Shikidō Secret Agreement," sending Mei Siping back to Shanghai to inform the Japanese side. Meanwhile, plans were made to flee Chongqing. At this point, Zhou Fenghai was particularly energetic. He sent Yang Shuhui and her children to Hong Kong first and then volunteered to lead the way under the guise of inspecting publicity efforts, arranging for Wang Jingwei's escape to Kunming. By late 1938, under Zhou Fenghai's arrangements, Wang Jingwei, Chen Biquan, Zeng Zhongming, Tao Xisheng, Chen Gongbo, and others successively arrived in Hanoi. Forgetting their earlier pledge not to collaborate, Wang and Zhou began their shared traitorous career and so-called "peace movement," establishing Zhou Fenghai's position as the "Chief Strategist" in the Wang government.
At the beginning of their betrayal activities, some key figures in the Wang government advocated for "uniting like-minded individuals from an opposition stance to promote the peace movement." Zhou Fenghai, however, firmly insisted on "establishing a government from an opposition stance to realize the peace movement." In Zhou Fenghai's view, Chiang Kai-shek's Nationalist Party was just a leaky boat in the storm, destined to sink sooner or later. With a little more pressure from the Japanese, Chiang Kai-shek's rule would end, and the unified call for resistance against Japan was merely a pretext to overthrow him. There would be no other outcome. Therefore, Zhou Fenghai had long decided to climb a new tree and start anew. Under Zhou Fenghai's insistence, the proposal to "realize the peace movement" was accepted by Wang Jingwei and the majority in his group. To accelerate the betrayal process and prevent instability, after arriving in Hanoi, Zhou Fenghai quickly issued the "Yan Telegram" in response to Konoe's third China declaration, even publicly cursing Wang Jingwei's old loyalist Gu Mengyu, threatening that if they didn't cooperate, they would regret it. Shamelessly, he claimed he would just "apologize to Chiang Kai-shek" upon returning, implying that those who had followed Wang Jingwei for years were originally Chiang Kai-shek's old rivals, and their relationship with him was far worse. Thus, he had the upper hand, while they were like pawns with no retreat. As a result, the "Yan Telegram" was published before the New Year in 1939.
The group of traitors in Hanoi was arranged and organized by Zhou Fenghai, forming three committees—political, military, and financial. The political and military committees were headed by Wang Jingwei, with Zhou Fenghai serving as the secretary-general and also chairing the financial committee. This further inflated his ambitions, making him even more enthusiastic about betraying his country and more determined than anyone else. The traitors lacked funds to carry out their activities, so Zhou Fenghai obtained 200,000 Hong Kong dollars from Tang Shoumin, a powerful figure in Hong Kong's banking industry. The Wang government had too few personnel, all of whom were literati, so Zhou Fenghai went to recruit military figures like Ye Peng, the former commander of the Wuhan garrison, and Yang Kui, the former chief of staff of the Wuhan operational headquarters, to bolster the ranks of the traitorous scholars.
"Winning over Chiang Kai-shek" and "Remaining in Hanoi" still had its difficulties. Wang Jingwei was assassinated by Kuomintang intelligence agents in Hanoi, though Zeng Zhongming took the fall. Wang Jingwei and the others were terrified. Zhou Fenghai quickly went to Shanghai to gather intelligence and make preparations. In Shanghai, Zhou Fenghai also went to Tokyo to meet the Japanese masters, but after Wang returned to Shanghai, Zhou remained in Japan to continue negotiations with the Japanese on the establishment of the pseudonymic government. After returning from Japan, Zhou Fenghai was busy planning the pseudonymic "Sixth National Congress of the Kuomintang." Many former members of Wang Jingwei's reorganization faction were reluctant to participate, so most of the representatives were recruited from Zhou Fenghai's acquaintances in Jiangsu and Zhejiang to fill the numbers. The pseudonymic "Sixth National Congress" finally took place. Then, Zhou Fenghai held meetings with Wang Kemin, the head of the pseudonymic "Provisional Government" in Beijing, and Liang Hongzhi, the leader of the pseudonymic "Reform Government" in Nanjing, hoping to form a unified pseudonymic government. Zhou Fenghai was busy running around, but he was not idle. Next, he flew to Tokyo again as the "plenipotentiary representative" to request the Japanese masters' approval to establish the pseudonymic government as soon as possible. To speed up his "ascension to power," Zhou accepted all the conditions Japan proposed and finally received their approval. Grateful and triumphant, Zhou Fenghai returned to Hanoi with a radiant smile.
The establishment of the pseudonymic government made power and position distribution the most difficult issue. Most of the group were party hacks, disgraced officers, and unscrupulous literati, who gathered under the banner of "peace, anti-communism, and national construction," calling each other brothers, but harboring treacherous intentions in their hearts, all vying for power and money. To pacify this group and satisfy their desires was a headache. For example, Tao Xisheng, an old loyalist of the reorganization faction, was always trusted by Wang Jingwei. After escaping from Chongqing, he was full of vigor. As for Gao Zongwu, when Wang Jingwei served as the executive president and minister of foreign affairs, he was the director of the Asian Department, known as an expert on Japan, and had been instrumental in Wang Jingwei's collaboration with Japan. Now that the "new government" was being established, their appetites were not small. Tao Xisheng openly declared his ambition to become the "Minister of Industry," refusing the less lucrative "Minister of Propaganda." Gao Zongwu, on the other hand, was obsessed with the dream of becoming the "Minister of Foreign Affairs." However, this made it even harder for Zhou Fenghai to satisfy them, let alone Wang Jingwei. Tao and Gao were deeply dissatisfied with their unfulfilled ambitions and felt there was nothing left to do, so they even planned to flee and exposed the "Wang-Japan Secret Agreement" in Hong Kong, writing articles specifically attacking Zhou Fenghai.
The publication of the "Wang-Japan Secret Agreement" threw Wang Jingwei into chaos. The internal scramble for power and profit, combined with public condemnation, left Wang Jingwei overwhelmed. He called Zhou Fenghai, the "strategist," and handed over full authority for personnel appointments. At this point, Zhou Fenghai was also full of confidence. Although the departure of Tao and Gao was a heavy blow, as evidenced by his in his diary cursing them as "animals" and vowing to kill them, Wang Jingwei's complete trust in him filled him with even greater determination. His enthusiasm for betrayal soared to unprecedented heights.
In March 1940, the pseudonymic "Central Political Conference" was held, with more than half of the 200-plus traitors connected to Zhou Fenghai. After the conference, a farce of the "National Government Returning to Nanjing" was staged, officially launching the pseudonymic government. Zhou Fenghai held numerous key positions, overseeing finance, foreign affairs, and intelligence. At this point, Zhou Fenghai was so that he wrote in his diary multiple times, claiming that the "peace movement" and the "return to Nanjing" farce were entirely his initiative, that future movements would revolve around him, and that his life had not been in vain. "This return to Nanjing" saw most deputy ministers and undersecretaries appointed by him, and he proudly declared, "The Central Government was created in my handwriting in just ten minutes," and that "the government was actually created by me with my own hands, and I take pride in it." In reality, this was exactly the case. At that time, both high and low traitors flocked to Zhou Fenghai's side, hoping to gain positions and benefits. This even led Chen Gongbo and Chu Minyi to express strong dissatisfaction with Zhou Fenghai, complaining publicly that all matters were handled by Zhou, leaving them only to sign documents. Even the Japanese began to look at Zhou Fenghai with favor.
After the outbreak of the Pacific War, Tojo Hideki came to China, demanding that Wang Jingwei fulfill the promise to draft 5 million strong laborers to support Japan. Wang was at his wits' end and unable to resolve the issue. The Japanese side, in the name of the government, invited Zhou Fenghai to Tokyo to apply pressure. Although the matter was ultimately not resolved, it was enough to show Zhou Fenghai's position in the Wang government. It was no wonder that Chiang Kai-shek later still relied on Zhou Fenghai.