Terrifying national essence education

Author: Bei Yang
Publisher:
Publishing Date: 2006-01-01
Features: Education, the sharp blade that breaks the shackles of civilization, leading humanity to new discoveries and transformations, bringing about a leap and elevation for humanity. Major universities, whether private, provincial, or national, almost all became "preparatory schools for studying in the United States" or "advanced courses for American universities." This was not enough; the perspectives of young people became narrower and more short-sighted. They uniformly desired to follow one path: graduating from Chinese universities and either studying abroad with public funds or on their own. If they failed to study abroad, they relied on connections with family or relatives or joined any group that could take them abroad, or even led teams or conducted investigations and meetings under various pretexts, doing everything possible to jump to the United States. At the age of ninety, Bei Yang still had sharp eyes and a keen, humorous writing style. He wielded a sharp, incisive pen to criticize the times, hitting the mark with every word, much like Lu Xun. "His essays fully demonstrate his literary prowess" (as said by Bei Yang's wife, Zhang Xianghua), so his writings combine thoughtfulness, readability, knowledge, and artistry. His essays are also highly readable and deeply profound, revealing the wisdom of a sage and an overwhelming force capable of breaking down the old and worn out. This is why his words possess such enduring charm. Both Bei Yang and Lu Xun are important figures in Chinese literary circles, each with their own dedicated readership. It is believed that the publication of this book will not disappoint the readers. Bei Yang is a legendary figure whose life has witnessed the turbulent social changes of modern China. In his early years, Bei Yang was a passionate "patriot" who once admired Chiang Kai-shek. After the "July 7 Lugou Bridge Incident," he joined the Three Principles of the People's Party and underwent training in the Youth Cadre Class, taking an oath to "live and die for the leader." After coming to Taiwan, he experienced setbacks but also served as the general secretary of the "Youth Writing Association" under Chiang Jing-kuo's cultural unit. These political experiences undoubtedly show that Bei Yang had a strong sense of political commitment. Later, Bei Yang was imprisoned by the Nationalist authorities, accused of publishing cartoon content in the family edition of the China Daily that "insulted the leader." After his release, he was arrested again, this time on numerous political charges: "self-accusation of false events," "left-leaning thoughts," "cultural unification work for the communists," and "obvious intent to subvert the government through illegal means." He was sentenced to twelve years in prison (serving over nine years) on June 27, 1968. According to the Nationalist Party's charges at the time, Bei Yang had long been suspected of having connections with the communists. From the perspective of China's united front policy during that period, Bei Yang's struggle against the Nationalists was no less intense than that of an underground party cell. This clearly reflects the overreaction of the ruling Nationalist Party, as Bei Yang had no political ambitions. The vast sea separated mainland China and Taiwan at the time—how could he be a traitor? In reality, Bei Yang was simply a cultural figure, a folk writer whose critiques were fundamentally cultural. In his view, any political system was worth questioning, and if the cultural foundation was not corrected or improved, it would remain so. For a long time, Bei Yang was known as a "living Lu Xun" in Taiwan, sharing similarities with Lu Xun in his sharp and incisive critiques of social reality and his use of essays as a primary weapon. However, their essence differed significantly. Lu Xun coexisted with the construction of modern Chinese thought and was both a founder and an eternal pioneer. He shared the fate of national awakening and liberation and breathed in sync with the history of Chinese literature and culture, making him completely historicalized and symbolic. In comparison, Lu Xun still belonged to the historically historicalized elite intellectuals of modern China, always interpreted and understood within the discourse of national liberation and historical awakening. Bei Yang's historical circumstances were quite different. He did not carry the same historical weight and was more straightforward, personal, folk, and secular. Bei Yang's cultural critique in his essays was also a critique of the secular world, focusing on criticizing all unreasonable phenomena in daily society, hitting the mark with every word, and showing no mercy. No one observed the secular world as deeply and meticulously as Bei Yang. He was himself a secularized intellectual, even more like a traditional Chinese scholar who lived among the people, neither teaching in universities nor working in government positions. He was a freelance writer, earning a living by selling his writings. Such people were quite common in China in the 1930s and 1940s. After 1949, mainland China no longer had such intellectuals or scholars. Shen Congwen, for example, nearly lost his mind when he was not invited to attend the session of the Writers' Congress. Not being institutionalized meant the end of Chinese intellectuals in the 1950s, 1960s, and 1970s. It was not until the 1990s on mainland China that a group of freelance writers emerged, led by Wang Shuo and Wang Xiaobo. Bei Yang was also a freelance writer, and his stance could be said to be that of the folk, embodying the style of a free-minded writer. His way of speaking was clearly different from the discourse of intellectuals long institutionalized by the system. In contemporary mainland China, as non-professional and non-institutional writers become more numerous, reading Bei Yang's writings—this "living fossil" of Chinese freelance writers—undoubtedly evokes a sense of familiarity. In any case, Bei Yang was a highly unconventional intellectual, a "non-aristocratic" scholar, in my opinion, a spokesperson for the secular world. The key issue lies in the fact that Bei Yang always spoke from the perspective of the secular world. He did not seek to tame the secular world but rather attempted to construct a genuine secular society, with modern nation-states as a natural extension of this authentic secular society. To reiterate, what distinguished Bei Yang was that he did not elevate the secular world to the level of the elite world; instead, he first sought to construct a genuine secular society and then brought the elite world to the level of the secular society. Therefore, he saw it as his responsibility to relentlessly criticize society and push for the self-reliance and self-respect of the Chinese nation. Bei Yang was very clear about his cultural stance and often intentionally made his writing ordinary, or in other words, folk. He never described his writing as carrying the burden of leading the nation-state toward modernization but intentionally emphasized his secular, folk, and ordinary stance. He once wrote in an essay, "The reason why Bei Yang's essays were published and published was entirely due to the love and support of the readers. Otherwise, who would dare to risk losing both principal and interest to print the works of an unknown old man like me? When I wrote fiercely back then, my feelings were the same as now, just to make a living, with no grand ambitions. Later, as I wrote for a long time, I occasionally received encouraging letters, which slightly pleased me. Later, as encouragement increased, I finally felt that I was something extraordinary." Of course, this was obviously a humble remark, but it also shows Bei Yang's conscious attitude toward folk-style writing. This made his writing always stay within the discourse space of the secular world, speaking to the common people. Bei Yang's essays always carried a passion for defending the rights of the common people. He paid attention to any unequal phenomenon in society and expressed his views mercilessly. This was also the source of the great appeal of Bei Yang's essays. He called for justice for all the wronged and oppressed, and for those trampled by the bottom of society, making his works the best spiritual comfort for the common people. In Bei Yang's narrative, "Bei Yang" always portrayed himself as a role of the common people, without any pretense, but rather appearing sincere, simple, and approachable. His calls for equality and justice were closely related to his life experiences. Bei Yang often mentioned in his memoirs and essays that he was an orphan in his childhood. His difficult life made him deeply empathetic to the hardships of the lower classes. Whenever he witnessed inequalities in life, he could not help but feel indignant. Bei Yang's calls for equality and justice were not profound philosophical truths, nor were they academic legal debates or revolutionary uprisings. They were simply common phenomena in secular society, daily life, and the ever-changing news. Bei Yang's discussions on social equality and justice had nothing to do with communist revolution. He did not have those profound revolutionary truths or great revolutionary goals; he was simply a common person who should have received basic respect for his right to survival. In his later collected essays, We Must Live with Dignity, Bei Yang included some chapters from his life experiences. Despite the hardships of time, the old man remained the same—criticizing the ugly and advocating equality and dignity. It can be said that Bei Yang's later political essays became more prominent, but he did not lose his folk essence. This series of essays is divided into three series based on the main themes of Bei Yang's essays. The first series published is Crazy Beauties, and the second series is A Traditional Reflection. Now, we have the third series, which we categorize as the "Civilization Integration" series. Critiquing "stewpot culture" is a key focus of Bei Yang's essays. As mentioned earlier, Bei Yang was famous for his fierce critique of traditional Chinese culture. His critique was direct, sharp, thorough, and to the point. It can be said that the discourse of anti-tradition reached its peak with Bei Yang. "The 'stewpot' is Bei Yang's most sharp and vivid metaphor for traditional Chinese culture. This 'stewpot' has been simmering for two thousand years, filled with all sorts of ingredients, with a pungent and unpleasant smell. But since modern times, there have always been some unruly people stirring it up, letting its smell spread, and making people face it, seeing the dregs and ugliness inside. From Lu Xun to Bei Yang, they were undoubtedly the most intense stirrers. Bei Yang pointed out that the fundamental problem with Chinese culture lies in its flaws in daily life. And the political culture that rises from this is even more absurd. Bei Yang's critique was aimed at the everyday culture that has been passed down in China, which is the culture of secular life itself. Bei Yang did not entirely avoid direct critiques of political culture, but perhaps his depth lay in his secular perspective on the flaws of political culture. Only by valuing secular culture and everyday culture so much could he do this. Because everyday culture has inherent problems, then the political culture that grows from it and tries to transcend everyday culture cannot have a sound nature. But this is just a later matter, just a deduction based on the premise of his critique. For Bei Yang, "the stewpot" was the root and everything. Stirring the "stewpot" was to remove impurities and refine it, restoring a purer nature to Chinese culture and society. Bei Yang was deeply distressed to realize that Chinese people carried too heavy a cultural burden. Gentle and refined attitudes could not change the "ugly Chinese people." Instead, strong medicine was needed—a fierce and merciless critique to bring about change, even if it meant using exaggerated and absolute critique, similar to the radical reforms advocated by Lu Xun. This was also the resolute attitude of a "wild intellectual." Bei Yang's critiques of social civilization and his critique of tradition were deeply interconnected, with no fundamental difference. They were only divided into two categories for the convenience of editing and reading, each with three selected volumes. A Traditional Reflection focuses more on the critique of traditional social systems and cultural roots, while Civilization Integration leans toward reflections on human ethics, daily attitudes, and the education system. These reflections also carry Bei Yang's consistent style: seeing the big in the small, criticizing social ills, and using humor and satire. In the Civilization Integration series, Bei Yang gives a sharp critique of the Chinese people's tendency to admire foreign cultures. As a fierce critic of tradition, Bei Yang naturally had no respect for a narrow Orientalist stance. Instead, he saw the one-sidedness of the Chinese people's admiration for foreign cultures. The excellent aspects of Western civilization were not learned by the Chinese, but rather the external, negative fashions were imitated: almost perfectly. Bei Yang consistently advocated "admiring foreign cultures but not being subservient to them" in his views on Western culture, systems, and civilization. He believed in absorbing the essence of Western culture, which was consistent with Lu Xun's "policy of taking what is useful." However, Bei Yang's essays did not discuss the political systems of Western countries. Instead, he used some subtle daily life details in Western countries as standards, seeing the spirit in the details, to measure whether China had reached the level of a modern, developed civilization. This reflects the characteristic of Bei Yang's "cultural critique." Bei Yang believed, "To judge whether a country is civilized or barbaric, one only needs to see how much respect its vehicles have for zebra crossings and traffic lights. A conclusion can be drawn immediately" (Anti-Collision Alliance). He praised America as a civilized land that made the Chinese feel ashamed, mainly because American citizens obeyed traffic rules. He criticized the Chinese for lacking traffic awareness, walking and bumping randomly, and drivers were the same, causing chaos on the roads and frequent traffic accidents. Bei Yang not only pointed out the root cause of the traffic chaos—the Chinese tradition of not following rules and the government's lenient enforcement—but also proposed a "cure": "Only severe punishment—of course, fair and just severe punishment—is the effective medicine for curing traffic chaos" (Anti-Collision Alliance). This was a conclusion reached by comparing the traffic rules of Western countries. Such critiques were direct and sharp, and perhaps somewhat simplistic and extreme, but they showed Bei Yang's decisiveness and charm. While advocating "Westernization," Bei Yang was alsoly aware that Western things entering China would "change," becoming something of a "half-baked" hybrid. The reasons were complex, but they were certainly related to the "stewpot culture" in traditional Chinese culture. The political of "Western slaves" was a product of this "total Westernization" and the "subservience to foreign cultures" that Bei Yang criticized. It was embodied in people like "Western slaves." They spoke fluent English, had a "second-hand plate" temperament, and everything about them was "Western." This was the result of excessive self-esteem caused by the Chinese people's deep-seated inferiority complex. As mentioned earlier, only a spirit and attitude of "admiring foreign cultures but not being subservient to them" could prevent the aftereffects of Westernization, including the phenomenon of "Western slaves." Bei Yang was clearly still a liberalist. He did not hide his admiration for Western democratic and free systems and was delighted to see the emphasis on individual value in Western civilization. He particularly praised the essence of Western individual self-discipline. These views were all expressed by Bei Yang decades ago. Today, many of them are debatable. Especially in the current era, post-colonial theories are in vogue, ethnic identity politics has taken root, and cultural nationalism is on the rise. All of these may make it difficult for people to resonate with Bei Yang's views, and there are undoubtedly many opponents. But from another perspective, no one sees problems the way Bei Yang does, and no one dares to be so candid in expressing a certain degree of affirmation toward Western civilization. Re-discovering Bei Yang is not just a historical review but also a warning for the present. In the Civilization Integration series, a significant portion of the essays again expose the old wounds of history. It is not an exaggeration to say that Bei Yang was a troublemaker who the hidden history and the glorified history. Bei Yang insisted on tearing away the surface of history to show us so many historical traces. Bei Yang's knowledge of history was rich, and his observations of history were thorough, to the point that even professional historians expressed admiration. He wrote A History of the Chinese People in prison, a work full of emotion and literary merit. No official history could reveal the truth of history as he did, allowing us to see more violence, debauchery, and oppression in history. In a sense, Bei Yang's view of history was actually in line with Mao Zedong's words: "Wherever there is oppression, there is resistance." But the result of resistance was merely a change of dynasty, and history repeated itself. Bei Yang's writing of history was to restore its original face, that is, "the history of ghosts." He used anecdotes effortlessly, historical materials at will, and strange stories that were all well-documented historical facts. In his view, the twenty-six histories of China, the so-called "official histories," were nothing but a river of ghosts and a stewpot. Bei Yang said, "To call it the history of ghosts is already polite. It is really a big stew." In The Jade Emperor Sits High in the Clouds, he wrote, "The Chinese are really strange. Once they start to show some talent, they must show some extraordinary talent and some extraordinary behavior. This method is not understood by Westerners. Have you heard anyone say that Mr. Washington was a worm—dragon? Or have you heard that Mr. Lincoln was born with a red glow in the room, with a red glow in the room? Only the leaders in Chinese politics, whether they are the ancestors of a unified empire or the offspring of a miserable little regime; whether they are long-lived dynasties or short-lived farces; they are all extraordinary in one way or another." He wrote about the emperors of the past, who, after becoming emperors, were made into gods in both official and unofficial histories. The greater the power, the more spectacular the extraordinary behavior. Bei Yang studied the founding emperors of each dynasty in the order of the "official histories," and found that their births were either worms, snakes, white tiger spirits, or that they were born with red glows, with various omens. It was truly. Through his analysis of the birth origins of ancient Chinese emperors, Bei Yang saw that the "official histories" created ghost stories to legitimize the existence of feudal emperors, claiming that they were all predestined by heaven, born extraordinary, and natural dragon species. He pointed out, "This is precisely what is called the 'official history' of China, and it is also the 'good history' praised by the sages. It has everything, but it lacks the truth" (And See the "Good History"). The root of this was the traditional culture of "might makes right," which created such absurdity and falsehood in history. This was Bei Yang's heavy blow against the "history full of ghosts" of Chinese history and culture. What he wanted to do could be called the most thorough demystification of history. In this series, Bei Yang also made a sharp critique of education. Bei Yang had nothing but criticism for any unsatisfactory status quo, and education was even more of a "trap" in his eyes, full of problems. He took "saving the next generation of children" as part of modern education reform. He analyzed the problems of the education system in detail, proposing specific reforms to establish a strong, democratic modern nation composed of physically and mentally healthy citizens. He wanted to clear this trap single-handedly. Of course, this was impossible. But Bei Yang's spirit was valuable, and his sense of responsibility was significant. Even today, Bei Yang's critiques are still so pertinent. Bei Yang's critique of the education system in Taiwan during the Nationalist Party's rule in the 1960s and 1970s (with some articles covering the 1980s). At that time, Taiwan's Nationalist Party government also hoped to revitalize Taiwanese society through education. The education system in Taiwan in the 1960s and 1970s went through a rapid development process. However, advantages in educational resources were still very scarce, and the competition for good schools and opportunities to study abroad made the competition among primary and secondary school students extremely intense, to the point of being unbearable. Bei Yang criticized the joint examination system. He called for "the joint examination system must be changed," the most important reason being that the huge pressure from the "joint examination" led to vicious tutoring, which was a murder of the physical and mental health of primary and secondary school students and a devastation of the "viciously cramming" teachers. Bei Yang pointed out that the official's repeated attempts to stop "vicious cramming" had failed mainly because of the fierce competition among students. He further discovered that too many students produced too many student resources, which was also the fundamental reason for the popularity of "vicious cramming." Bei Yang also saw Taiwan's characteristic "colonial education" as another "imperial examination trap" in addition to the original imperial examination trap. This was a new imperial examination trap with "life as the goal of life" and "vicious cramming" as its only magic weapon. Therefore, Bei Yang detested "vicious cramming" and strongly advocated "family planning" and contraception, believing them to be "the only way to eliminate vicious cramming" (Family Planning! Family Planning! Family Planning!). By reducing the population through family planning, correspondingly improving people's living standards and education quality, and changing the education status quo. The problems Taiwan faced at that time still exist in mainland China today, and in some cases, they are even worse. Bei Yang's sharp critiques are still very reasonable today, and they offer valuable insights for how to educate the next generation and address the various problems and dilemmas of contemporary education. In this series, Bei Yang still criticized the common customs and bad habits of the Chinese people. Lu Xun had long criticized the cold, numb, and jealous nature of the Chinese people and their spectator mentality. Years later, although the social situation has changed somewhat, these weaknesses still exist astonishingly, and are extremely similar to those of the past. Jealousy led to terrible consequences, including internal struggles, lack of unity, and even tragic deaths. It was the extreme manifestation of the of the Chinese people, so Bei Yang called it the "source of all evils" and fiercely criticized it. Bei Yang also focused on the shortcomings of human nature. In many of his essays, he mercilessly exposed the various weaknesses of human nature. How long-standing habits had shaped various social psychology. As a Chinese person, Bei Yang's sharp critique of the Chinese people left many Chinese people puzzled. National pride and self-confidence are always and scriptures of a nation. People are happy to take on the role of elites who promote the spirit of national tradition, and no one is willing to reveal the shortcomings. Especially among overseas Chinese, they are happy to portray the Chinese nation as a hardworking, intelligent, and mutually helpful collective. But Bei Yang was deeply troubled by the various vices and negative traits and narrow-minded psychology of the Chinese people. He pointed them out frankly, encouraging the Chinese to face them with courage. As a fierce critic of the secular world, Bei Yang was not a pessimist. He harbored a far-reaching ideal and a sincere desire to elevate Chinese civilization. He was，，，. All of this stemmed from his honesty and thoroughness. "The Chinese have so many ugly faces, only the Chinese can change the Chinese. The suffering of the Chinese people is multifaceted, and everyone must awaken. If we all become good critics, we can appreciate ourselves, appreciate our friends, and appreciate our leaders. This is the path the Chinese should take now, and the only path." So concluded Bei Yang in the end of The Ugly Chinese People. The fundamental issue, of course, is not that Bei Yang's words were sharp and direct, but whether he was telling the truth. Unfortunately, as long as the Chinese are honest and clear, they have no choice but to admit the facts Bei Yang pointed out and be impressed by his sharp observations and analysis. Even today, his words still resonate deeply. Since May 1960, when he started writing a column in the Independent Daily, it has been nearly half a century. Looking at the huge changes in history, the cultural problems Bei Yang pointed out have not disappeared. Some have become more stubborn, and some have become even more severe. Since this is the case, opposing Bei Yang is meaningless. It is tantamount to covering one's own eyes again. Bei Yang was simply asking everyone to open their eyes and see the facts. He was right. He had the courage, the pain, the responsibility, and the truth. Today, with the strong economic growth of mainland China, China's rise in the 21st century seems imminent. The Chinese people are also intoxicated with the imagination of a glorious future. At a time like this, reading Bei Yang's essays and truly removing the bad habits from us, taking a more pragmatic attitude to absorb the excellent achievements of human civilization, and paying attention to the renewal and reform of our education system, will undoubtedly have an infinite and far-reaching significance for creating a healthy, strong, broad, and vibrant Chinese civilization. I was honored to be recommended by Mr. Bei Yang and Ms. Zhang Xianghua to serve as the chief editor of the essay series. I deeply feel that I am too ignorant and talentless to. Yet, out of respect, I have no choice but to accept it. I am grateful for their trust in me. Due to the urgency of time and my limited abilities, errors and omissions are inevitable. I hope the readers will criticize and correct them. This is the preface. Chen Xiaoming November 9, 2005, in Beijing