Hunting and the Fengshan Rites: The Cultural Trajectory of Feudal Politics

Author: He Pingli / Country: Mainland China
Publisher:
Publishing Date: 2003-01-01
Features: The imperial tours of ancient Chinese emperors, also known as inspections, visits, or hunting expeditions, were primarily activities where emperors left the capital to tour local and frontier regions. Due to the negative social impacts brought by the tours of the Qin Emperor, the Han Emperor Wu, the Sui Emperor Yangdi, and the Ming Emperor Wu, as well as the embellished tales of Kangxi and Qianlong visiting Jiangnan by scholars and literati, historical works have long held biased views of imperial tours, viewing them as indulgent, pleasure-seeking activities and extravagant waste of resources, leading to more criticism than praise. However, historically, imperial tours, which have been an integral part of ancient Chinese civilization and rich in cultural connotations, were not only a form of political operation in a ritual society but also demonstrated a space of ideological concepts, forming a trajectory of Confucian rituals centered on propriety and sacrifice. Therefore, imperial tours were closely linked to the state and society, playing a regulatory and integrative role in politics, economy, military, and cultural thought. They were not only a driving force for the development of feudal politics but also one of the historical reasons for the long-term continuity of the Chinese feudal society. What is Fengshan? Fengshan generally refers to the ceremonial worship of heaven and earth by ancient Chinese emperors at Mount Tai in the east. Yuan Hong's Later Han Annals explains Fengshan as follows: "When emperors ascend the throne through humility and when they overthrow a regime through revolution, they must achieve great virtue for the world and great merit for all things. Therefore, when a ruler establishes his foundation, there must be Fengshan, as it is to report his success to the gods. The east is where all things begin, and the mountains are where the divine spirit resides. Therefore, to seek the origin of things, one must start from the beginning; to take what connects them, one must start from their residence. To elevate the altars, it is called Feng; to reveal the renewal, it is called Shan. Thus, Fengshan is the great ritual of a ruler opening up new things." The earliest Chinese classic, Shan Hai Jing, reflects the ancient people's reverence for mountains. The Shan Jing in Shan Hai Jing is China's first monograph on mountain geography. It organizes the geographical landscape of the world around mountains, dividing it into 26 mountain regions and 477 peaks. Mountains are the dominant and elements of the geographical pattern, and according to terrain, they propose the concept of mountain ranges. The main characteristics of the Shan Jing are: First, it closely combines clan totem and the belief in mountain gods. Every mountain in the Shan Jing has a god, whose form is either half-human and half-beast or bizarre and monstrous. For example: "The first mountain in the southern second circuit is Guishan to the mountain of Lüwu, totaling 17 mountains, 7,200 li. The mountains of winged views are 23, with a total of 6,744 li. The gods are all sheep-bodied and human-faced." In the area centered around Mount Hua, the homeland of the Huaxia clan, mountains were directly worshipped as the incarnations of mountain gods. (1) These mountain god images are clan totems, gradually forming a shared totem for clans and tribes divided by region. Second, mountains are the dwelling places of divine spirits and the path to heaven. For example: "Mount Jade is where the Queen Mother of the West resides; 'Kunlun is indeed the capital of the emperor, guarded by Lord Lu; 'Kunlun is a vast area of 800 li in diameter and 10,000 li high, where all gods reside; 'Mount of the Emperor has grass; 'There is a sacred mountain where the ten shamans of Wu Xian, Wu Ji, Wu Pan, and Wu Peng ascend and descend, and all medicinal herbs are there; 'On Mount Dengbao, all shamans ascend and descend.' Additionally, many mountains are the sacred mountains where the sun and moon rise and set. This not only shows that 'mountains are the ladder or pillar of ancient Chinese shamans to heaven' but also reflects that mountains are the source of Chinese mythology. Third, mountains are the birthplaces of sages and ancestors. For example: 'There are nine mounds, linked by water, where Tai Hao passed by; 'Mount Jian, where Dan River originates, where the Yellow Emperor feasted; 'Mount Changliu, where the White Emperor, the Lesser Wu, resides; 'Mount Dahuang, where the sun and moon rise. There is a man with three faces, the son of Zhuanxu.'" Etc. Fourth, mountains are worshipped with the most solemn rituals. For example: "Mount Kushi, Mount Shaoshi, and Mount Tai are all tombs. Their worship: Jialao with auspicious jade; 'Mount Xiong, the emperor, his worship: offering wine, Jialao, using one jade; dry dance, using weapons to ward off evil; praying, wearing a cap and dancing' and so on. These sacrifices include the Jialao ritual, which was later used by the Zhou Dynasty's to worship heaven, the five emperors, and ancestors. ① Based on this, the reverence for mountains at that time was already unparalleled. The imperial tours of Qing Dynasty emperors had some characteristics of Manchu hunting culture, such as the tour also being called a hunt. During the reign of the Qing Emperor Taizu, he often led expeditions outside the capital to hunt, using hunting to practice martial arts and train soldiers. In the reign of Kangxi, dissatisfied with the ceremonial military inspections and martial arts training methods like "Da Yue," he decided to follow the tradition of hunting expeditions. In 1677 and 1680, Kangxi twice went to the frontier to select locations, eventually choosing a pastureland over 1,000 li outside Beijing, in the Kalgan and Wengnute banners of Inner Mongolia (now Weichang County, Hebei), dividing it into an area over 300 li long and 200 li wide, with a perimeter of over 1,300 li, as land presented by the Inner Mongolian nobles, establishing the Mulan hunting ground, with 72 hunting grounds set up in forests, grasslands, rivers, and mountains. Each year, 4,000 soldiers skilled in horseback riding and battle formations were dispatched. The hunters "traveled through the sand and deserts, undeterred by wind and dust, braving snow and wind to practice labor." ① The emperor and imperial princes led the hunting and commanded the hunt. Kangxi strictly regulated the procedures and rituals of marching, patrolling, setting up hunting grounds, enclosing, hunting, ending the hunt, camping, and setting up tents. After the hunt, a grand banquet was held to distribute rewards based on merit. The largest annual autumn hunt ceremony ② involved not only the emperor's guard units but also the nobles of the 49 banners of Inner Mongolia, as well as the nobles of Outer Mongolia, Qinghai Mongolia, and the eight banners of Chahar Mongolia. Mongol banners near the hunting ground were required to send cavalry, guides, and hunting marksmen to assist. Additionally, special orders were issued for the Manchu troops stationed in Hangzhou, Xining, and Xi'an to come to the capital to practice hunting. The Mulan hunting ground was managed by Mongol nobles, later with a chief manager and hunting ministers. It was surrounded by wooden fences called the "willow fence." In 1684, Kangxi built the Chengde Mountain Resort (Rehe Summer Palace) 400 li south of the hunting ground. Therefore, the Mulan hunting ground became not only the largest royal hunting garden in the Qing Dynasty but also an important venue for the emperor's northern tours. Kangxi even commanded the famous Battle of Ulanbutong there. During the reign of Qianlong, the scale of the Mulan hunt was often even larger than during Kangxi's time. Due to the gathering of officials, nobles, and generals, in 1750, Qianlong further expanded the hunting ground, setting up 175 connected tents as the inner city, with three flags called "Golden Dragons," and 254 connected tents as the outer city, with four flags called "Flying Tigers." Guards were stationed around the perimeter, with 40 tent houses built, each with flags, guarded by Manchu banners. In February 1741, Censor Cong Dong submitted a memorial urging the halt of the hunt, saying: "I am only afraid that the attendants will take hunting as a pleasure, and the officials in the capital may become complacent due to their distance from the emperor's presence. I beg you to temporarily suspend the hunt to allow the emperor to rest and recuperate." Qianlong immediately rebutted: "In ancient times, spring hunts, summer weeding, autumn hunts, and winter hunts were all conducted to practice martial arts through hunting. Our dynasty's military prowess surpasses that of previous generations. During my grandfather's reign, he frequently led expeditions, achieving invincibility wherever he went, all due to rigorous training in peacetime. Thus, our soldiers are brave and wise, and all think of their enemies with vigor. If we abandon hunting in peacetime, our Manchu soldiers and officials will become complacent, and their archery and horseback riding skills will deteriorate. My grandfather's annual hunts outside the capital were most beneficial for the army, and with strict discipline and the proper handling of affairs, they were no different from being in the capital. As for traveling to the northern frontier, we visit the Mongolian tribes, adding to our benevolence, thereby implementing a strategy of distant governance, with great significance. My father led two campaigns, and we are currently mobilizing troops, so we have temporarily suspended hunting. But after the troops are withdrawn, we will resume it. Moreover, with long periods of peace, our archers are no longer as skilled as before, and people have grown accustomed to comfort, so we must not neglect to refresh them. My order to hold the hunt is to follow the tradition of our ancestors, to discipline the army, and to show leniency to our vassal states, not for pleasure-seeking and hunting." ① This speech by Qianlong actually reveals the purpose and significance of the imperial tours: First, "to discipline the army," maintaining readiness; Second, "to implement distant governance," closely monitoring the movements of Mongolian nobles in the north, showcasing power in the frontier; Third, "to follow tradition," promoting the spirit of martial arts. Therefore, the Mulan hunt was a powerful measure for Qing emperors to maintain the feudal united front and played a historical role in consolidating the northern frontier. On July 18 of the same year, to "ensure the proper handling of affairs," Qianlong instructed the Grand Secretaries: "As I practice martial arts and hold hunts outside the capital, the handling of all affairs is no different from being in the palace. Officials and Manchu banners in the capital should redouble their efforts and serve diligently. If they slacken even slightly, they will not only delay official business but also deeply burden my efforts to govern." ① On the 26th, Qianlong left the Yuanming Palace for the Mulan hunting ground, reviewing troops at Gubeikou, holding hunts in Changshanyu and Zhangsanying, and hosting Mongolian nobles at Wuladai. On September 28, after returning to the capital, Qianlong issued an edict blaming those who excused themselves from the hunt: "During this hunt, among the princes and ministers, some were so attached to their families that they made excuses not to follow. I have been lenient, and there is no need to name them. Hunting and hunting are not only to practice skills and endure hardship but also to inspire people's will. This is something the Manchu and other ethnic groups must do. If they only seek comfort and show no shame, then this habit will have a great impact on the rise and fall of the state. If there are those who do not reform, I will not be lenient." ② From this edict, we can see two layers of meaning: First, the Qing rulers placed great importance on the imperial tours, viewing them as something that affected the "rise and fall of the state" at a high level; Second, the imperial tours were for "enduring hardship" to inspire will, not for leisure and pleasure. Therefore, it is clear that Qing rulers had a deep understanding of the diligent governance significance of imperial tours. Historical records show that only the autumn hunt ceremony in Mulan was held more than 30 times during Kangxi's reign, 11 times during Qianlong's reign, and 11 times during Jiaqing's reign. Therefore, the Mulan autumn hunt became a highlight in the history of Qing emperors' diligent governance. However, in 1824, due to the decline in wildlife and environmental changes, the hunt was officially suspended. In 1862, the Qing court announced the opening of the Mulan hunt for farming. In 1876, the Weichang Hunting Ground Bureau was established, and in 1913, the Weichang County was established. Emperor Hongli, known as Qianlong, was another key figure in the "Kangxi-Qianlong Prosperity" of the Qing Dynasty. His governance had a similar diligent and touring style to his grandfather, Kangxi. Historical records show that during his 60-year reign, Qianlong made four tours to Shengjing, six tours to Jiangnan, 52 tours to the Chengde Mountain Resort for summer vacation, five tours to Mount Tai, five tours to Qufu for offerings, and 11 tours to inspect the vicinity of Beijing, Tianjin, and the regions of Henan and Shandong, totaling over 100 inspections. From the perspective of Qing imperial tours, in addition to Kangxi's six tours to Jiangnan, Qianlong's six tours to Jiangnan were also highlights of Qing feudal politics. These two dynasties' tours became the cornerstone of the "Kangxi-Qianlong Prosperity." Qianlong once highly valued his achievements in his tours to Jiangnan when evaluating his life's accomplishments. In his later years, he wrote The South Tour Records and said: "During my 50 years of ruling, I have accomplished two great deeds. One is the Western Expedition, and the other is the South Tour." In fact, Qianlong's tours to Jiangnan had the same important purposes as Kangxi's, primarily "nothing greater than the river works" and winning over the southern scholars, governing officials, and maintaining the people's hearts. If there was a difference, it was that the first four of Qianlong's south tours were due to the empress dowager visiting the scenic spots of Jiangnan "to please her heart," so the leisurely aspects of his tours increased, and the royal style became more prominent. In October 1749, "due to the deep desire of the local gentry, scholars, and commoners to see the emperor, they collectively submitted a petition," and Qianlong issued an edict ordering the tour to Jiangnan in the first month of the following year. The edict said: "Jiangnan is vast and densely populated, a matter I have always been concerned about. Its officials, military affairs, river affairs, coastal defense, and the suffering of the people are all important. However, the journey is long, and in the past decade, I have not been able to hold it. I have often read the Later Han Annals and found detailed records of the previous south tours, where the empress dowager's imperial carriage was escorted by the people, who welcomed them with their old and young, praising the emperor's filial piety. My heart is filled with admiration. Wherever the emperor tours, he accompanies the empress dowager for sightseeing. Jiangnan's scenery is the best in the world. Truly accompanying the empress dowager in a comfortable carriage to admire the beauty of the mountains and rivers and the abundance of the people and things is more than enough to please her heart." ① After Qianlong's first tour to Jiangnan, Vice Censor Sun Hao immediately submitted a memorial urging the suspension of the tour the following year, saying, "Suoyueli is not a scenic spot in Jiangsu and Zhejiang worth seeing." Qianlong believed Sun was mocking him and angrily rebuked: "His words are even more absurd. Moreover, the south tour is not just for sightseeing! Last year, I inspected the marshy areas of Pizhou, Huai, and Si, seeking solutions and preventing floods, and this year the agricultural output has doubled. Sun Hao, have you not heard?" ② Although Qianlong rebuked Sun's advice, he did not deny the "pleasure of sightseeing." Therefore, Qianlong's south tours left many imperial poems and inscriptions in the scenic spots of Jiangnan, which also became a source for scholars and literati to create novels and stories. Additionally, the Qing court often moved scenic spots from Jiangnan into imperial gardens, such as Anlan Garden, Changchun Garden in the Yuanming Palace, and Shizilin in the Chengde Mountain Resort, all imitating Suzhou gardens, which were also masterpieces of Qianlong's south tours.