Author: Wang Rigen
Publisher:
Publish Date: 2003-12-18
Features: As Chinese historians step into the 21st century, they seem to become more profound, calmer, and pragmatic while immersed in the achievements of Chinese social progress. This is because our government and society have become increasingly tolerant in providing the necessary space for the survival of humanities, including history. The research of these humanities is not merely focused on the past. When we examine the history of ancient Chinese civilization, we cannot help but marvel: despite the many dynasties and emperors that China has experienced, our civilization has never been interrupted, and today, when we calmly reflect, we can summarize numerous excellent traditions. At the same time, we should remember that, thanks to these traditions, our society was not just a "stagnant" one; it also achieved a transformation from a lower to a higher social form. This transformation included not only the cleansing effect of intense social changes on societal impurities but also the persistent and diligent efforts of many national elites, progressive individuals, and countless common people. Throughout history, the blood of the Chinese nation has flowed with the passion of "keeping pace with the times," and surged with the breadth of "embrace and inclusiveness." Some say that traditional Chinese society was filled with war and strife. In reality, this is because many vernacular novels chose war and strife as their themes. Some argue that "chaos" was greater than "order" in Chinese history, but this is because historians since Sima Qian have largely adhered to the principle of "detailed change, brief gradualism," allowing the content of the five-hundred-year Spring and Autumn and Warring States period to occupy one-third of the content of their three-thousand-year long historical narrative. When historians shift their focus from emperors and palaces to common people and society, we see the order and tranquility in the process of historical evolution. We believe that peace and development are actually the main themes of Chinese history. The forces driving Chinese society forward along the tracks of peace and development do not come solely from official sources. Research on the role of central government and centralization has long been abundant, with some overestimating its influence on society, summarized in the saying, "All under heaven is the land of the king; all along the land is the subject of the king." Another view holds that the central government was essentially inactive, with local self-governance being the primary characteristic of grassroots social management. We believe that to achieve a correct understanding of this issue, one must break free from the narrow framework of past "class struggle." While class struggle is indeed the fundamental contradiction in class society, this contradiction can be mitigated through mutual efforts, as the interdependent symbiotic relationship is clear to all. Thus, rulers have made their own efforts for the continuation and development of Chinese society, while the ruled people have also contributed to social stability by accepting mainstream cultural concepts. Although many social management institutions in traditional Chinese society were established by official authorities, they were not lacking in self-governing organizations of the society, such as families, clans, associations, and guilds. These organizations not only implemented effective social management in terms of form but also in depth, not only for settled residents but also for mobile populations. These actions were not driven by official coercion but were often the conscious efforts of grassroots social elites. Moreover, these actions were often beyond the scope of existing management systems, and even when official authorities recognized them, their implementation could not be immediate. Additionally, Chinese society has been continuously developing, with factors of social change emerging to some extent, and social management often responds quickly and efficiently. Thus, it is not difficult to see that in the course of historical evolution, official efforts and efforts often complement and support each other, jointly striving for a better state. Some official policies or systems are actually transformations of successful practices. When official order fails, society can sometimes still function normally. Some say that Chinese society is an ordered society, and through the study of traditional political civilization's "harmony between officials and people," we can deepen our understanding of this perspective. For this reason, this book is structured as follows:
Part 1 provides a comprehensive examination of social order during the Ming and Qing dynasties, reviewing the academic history of grassroots social management research and constructing a systematic framework for grassroots social management organizations. Case studies reveal the differences in social integration organizations across regions in early Qing Fujian and the intrinsic connections between and feudal authorities during the Ming and Qing periods.
Part 2 explores the relationship between and social order. Yitian, a form of grassroots public property that emerged in the Song Dynasty, is linked to the changes in Song Dynasty's socioeconomic conditions, the intensification of social polarization, and the diversification of ideological and cultural trends. The establishment of Yitian is also related to local social customs. In Fujian, Yitian includes both intra-family and extra-family forms, with Fujian's Yitian predominantly funded by merchants and involving widespread participation, though fewer in number than in Jiangnan. Yitian can serve to promote trust and integrity but can also be used in conflicts of interest or between families, thus differing from Jiangnan's Yitian. During the Ming and Qing dynasties, Yitian was a nationwide land form that played a positive social role in the later stages of feudal China, stabilizing traditional social order. The significant development of social undertakings in Fujian during the Ming and Qing periods became a key indicator of social stability and prosperity. In other regions, the development of social undertakings was often associated with commercial growth, the advocacy of scholars, and a culture that valued righteousness.
Part 3 examines the role of associations in social order. Associations are grassroots self-governing organizations that reflect social changes during the Ming and Qing dynasties. Since their emergence in the capital during the Yongle era, associations have evolved into various forms, including official-scholar associations, commercial associations, and immigrant associations. Associations have increasingly clearly demonstrated four functions: "worshipping gods, harmonizing music, promoting benevolent deeds, and enforcing contracts." They have played a role in integrating mobile populations that official authorities had difficulty addressing. The primary bonds of associations are based on hometown ties, with local deities serving as their spiritual pillars, giving them stability and vitality. From the architectural layout and spatial distribution of associations during the Ming and Qing dynasties, we can see that they often represent the political, economic, and cultural strength of a region. Despite their different types, associations still reflect the influence of official and scholar power, embodying the significant impact of official forces in an official-centric society. Research on the Suzhou and Anhui associations reveals the tendency toward "harmony between officials and merchants" in their development. The growth of various associations during the Ming and Qing dynasties was closely related to the adjustments in the ruling strategies of the Ming and Qing governments. The development of associations often coincided with the decline of "hongs," which were institutions established by the government to manage markets. The reliance on associations by the government was an of devolving some power to self-governing organizations, resulting in positive outcomes—both efficient and reducing the burden on the government. As organizations, associations were better adapted to social changes and could adjust their roles in a timely manner, thus both embracing the times and preserving traditions. Since modern times, associations have also played a positive role in the construction of chambers of commerce, another of their characteristics. Case studies of the Tinglong Association and the examination of associations in Tong'an, both domestically and abroad, help deepen our understanding of the regional characteristics of associations and their role in shaping local culture.
Part 4 explores the role of societies in social order. Organizations such as village contracts and societies reflect the growth of moral, occupational, or interest-based groups outside the family. They provide another avenue for social integration in grassroots society beyond government institutions and family organizations. society can be united under the banner of local worthies or gather in the presence of common deities.
Part 5 examines the role of families in social order. Family studies have been extensively explored by scholars such as Fu Yiling, Chen Zhiping, and Zheng Zhenman. The texts in this part aim to illustrate the close relationship between the development of families in Fujian during the Ming and Qing dynasties and the local "external threats," rather than being mere transplants of family organizations. Moreover, family development does not show a strong correlation with agricultural production methods but rather thrives in areas with developed commerce. This can also be observed in overseas Chinese societies. Numerous examples of the continuation and development of commoner families during the Ming and Qing dynasties, particularly in Fujian, are evident. Summarizing the internal mechanisms of the continuation and development of these commoner landlord families and exploring their dual character—both detached from and concerned with politics—will contribute to understanding the renewal and stability mechanisms of Chinese society.
Part 6 discusses the role of commerce in social order. This part explores the social environment of Ming and Qing merchants, the transformation of their business methods, the interrelationship between commercial development and cultural development, and the impact of commerce on the transformation of Chinese social structure. Historically, there have been differing views on the role of commerce in traditional society. Some emphasize its revolutionary nature and its destructive impact on traditional society, while others highlight its dependence on traditional governments and the correlation between commercial development and political corruption, revealing a tendency toward superficial prosperity in Chinese commerce. Fu Yiling's early research pointed out that some commerce during the Ming and Qing dynasties was family-run and played a role in reinforcing traditional social order. Following this line of inquiry, we aim to reveal the positive role and limitations of the merchant class in leading social change. The specific research objectives of the six parts above all aim to demonstrate a key point: during the Ming and Qing dynasties, the tendency toward "harmony between officials and people" in traditional Chinese political civilization became increasingly prominent and effectively maintained the forward development of Chinese society. The author does not claim that this research has reached the truth, and many of the inferences and summaries may not be entirely reasonable. Only by attracting attention and sparking further discussion can this work fulfill its purpose.
Order in the folk society of the Ming and Qing dynasties
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