History should not forget

Author: Epstein/Shen Suru et al
Publisher:
Publish Date: 2005-05-01
Features: Unfortunately, most of them did not see China as it is today. I am one of the lucky ones. On the occasion of the 60th anniversary of the victory in the International War of Resistance against Fascism, I naturally recalled what I saw and experienced on the Chinese battlefield back then, and also remembered the international friends who joined me in participating in and introducing the Chinese people's resistance against Japanese aggression. This book is dedicated to all anti-fascist fighters around the world, and also commemorates those who sacrificed their lives for the victory of this just war, including my friends who passed away before me. The book mainly tells about some of the author's experiences. After Japan occupied Shanghai, Soong Ching-ling moved to a new location—Hong Kong—to continue her work. Before leaving, she had to go through another hurdle, because although her residence was in the French Concession (the International Settlement and French Concession in Shanghai were under foreign jurisdiction and were theoretically neutral zones), there were now more Japanese intelligence agents monitoring her in addition to the usual spies who often visited nearby. To deceive these people, on the day of departure—December 23, 1937—she arranged an impeccable scene of tranquility at home. Two foreign friends came to drink tea at her house, and a little while later, New Zealand friend Louis also arrived. She and her personal maid, Sister Li, climbed into an taxi hired by through the back door, then drove to the Bund in the International Settlement and boarded a coastal passenger ship flying a foreign flag. She covered half of her face with a headscarf (it was very cold that day), one hand holding's strong arm, and walked onto the gangway together with ease, no one able to stop or question them in time.
In domestic affairs, her work was to maintain, strengthen, and advance the anti-Japanese national united front and its core—the re-cooperation of the Kuomintang and the Communist Party of China, which had risen and fallen several times during the war. Internationally, she helped establish and strengthen the anti-fascist front. To achieve internal unity and expand the influence of progress in the war-torn China, she never ceased her efforts. In the first year or two after arriving in Hong Kong, the focus of her work was to strengthen the positive and constructive trends that were emerging. In particular, she strongly supported the 《》, which was passed by the Kuomintang's temporary in Wuhan in the spring of 1938 and was oriented toward the united front. In April, she and He Xiangning jointly published an open letter to the Kuomintang leadership, stating that the program should be implemented rather than just remain on paper. Both were Central Executive Committee members of the Kuomintang and consistently advocated for the Kuomintang-Communist cooperation (though they were almost isolated for a long time). They had no real power but were respected by the public. In the letter, they proposed seven suggestions regarding the Kuomintang's responsibilities to the nation and the people:
1. Restore discipline within the party, severely punish responsible members who fear death, embezzle, and abuse the law to oppress the people;
2. Respect public opinion, realize civil rights, and completely abolish all laws and regulations that suppress public opinion or hinder civil rights;
3. Stop all forms of factional struggles and strive for unified solidarity among the people of the entire country;
4. Never forget the humiliation of the nation and the country at the moment, remain humble in victory and resolute in defeat, and achieve the goals of resistance and national construction without changing course midway. Any proposal to seek peace at the slightest victory, which is actually a humiliation, should be firmly opposed to prevent our nation and country from falling into another abyss of ruin;
5. Vigilantly guard against enemy plots, avoid being swayed by any tricks of provocation or temptation, and ensure that their sinister plan to destroy China without fighting is doomed to fail;
6. Strictly implement the deprivation of civil rights of those who collaborate with puppet traitors, confiscate their entire property, and impose severe penalties on those in party and government positions;
7. Never forget the suffering of compatriots in occupied and battle zones. The authorities should sacrifice the comfort and benefits of a few to relieve the hardships of the people, rescue refugees, comfort the displaced, provide for the families of martyrs and the deceased, abolish and prohibit all onerous taxes and usury, and consider exempting or reducing taxes, so that all compatriots are willing to follow our party in fighting to the end.
Soong Ching-ling had no sympathy for those who evaded military service or fled during the war. On June 2, she wrote to Wu Tiecheng, the governor of Guangdong Province, proposing that people should be stopped from fleeing to Hong Kong (excluding women, children, and the elderly). The large-scale flight of young and strong people and the wealthy would lower respect for China abroad. More soldiers should be trained for combat, air defense facilities improved, and the lives of refugees cared for. She was furious and disgusted with the attitude of surrender and the plots involved. In a letter to her New Zealand colleague James Betram on May 25, 1938, she condemned China's surrenderism and linked it to the situation in Europe: "Those defeatists are shouting for peace again. But in my heart, I am certain: we—the people—will resist to the end. Hitler has ordered the recall of all German military advisors (they once helped the Kuomintang fight the Chinese Red Army, then for a short time helped fight Japan, and now Japan has become an ally of Nazi Germany). They all refuse to go back. Hitler has not yet realized what a foolish thing he is doing. After we clear out those problematic people and spies from among us, we will fight even better."
On July 7, 1938, in her article "One Year of War," Soong Ching-ling praised the severe and sacrificial battle fought over the past year but warned that it "was only the beginning of winning liberation and independence for our Chinese nation" and that vigilance was needed against "politicians who are timid in foreign affairs but bold in domestic affairs, who at the start of the war embrace defeatism and, as soon as they hear the enemy suggest peace, engage in backroom deals, wishing to make it a reality at once. We must cut off the other magic hand of enemy aggression—the conspiracy of political appeasement." She also said that although the 《》 had been announced, its implementation was still necessary. Political mobilization and military training of the people were essential. Equally necessary was raising funds from domestic and overseas Chinese wealthy to develop southwestern and northwestern China. "Improving people's livelihoods" and "improving political institutions" (a theme she often mentioned) "must be implemented immediately." The government should quickly convene the "National Consultative Assembly," not only to listen to their opinions but also to promptly implement their proposals, and further change the functions of the assembly so that it is not just an advisory body for the central government but also fulfills the actual functions of the National Congress in a democratic political system.