Han Dynasty thought

Author: Gong Pengcheng
Publisher:
Publishing Date: 2005-02-01
Features: This book collects the author's concise sketches of Han Dynasty thought, including: the concept of qi-class (response) in the Han Dynasty, the evolution of Han people's political thought on the author, the analysis of characters, Confucian observation of celestial phenomena and timing, discussing politics in light of the heavens, how Confucians in the Western and Eastern Han became scholars and literati, the two major religious groups of Han Dynasty Taoism—Taiping Dao and Tian Shi Dao, and the Han Dynasty's marginalized society. It opens up new research paths for Han studies. The people of our country often call themselves Han people in terms of ethnicity and nationality, distinguishing themselves from other ethnic minorities. However, "Han people" is not an ethnological concept, as there were no Han people before the Han Dynasty. Han people refer to those who have accepted Han culture and have experienced Han rule. In fact, this group included the Western Qiang, Eastern Yi, Southern Man, and Northern Xiongnu, but they are all collectively referred to as Han people to this day, making it a cultural concept. Just like many overseas Chinese communities are called "Tang people streets," and overseas Chinese are often called "Tang people." The echoes of the Han and Tang dynasties, though distant, seem to be happily accepted as our common mark and symbol. The fame of the Han and Tang dynasties was indeed glorious and admirable. According to archaeological findings, the palaces of the Han Dynasty capital Chang'an were several dozen times larger than the modern Forbidden City in Beijing. The Forbidden City today is enough to make one dizzy just visiting it; how much more so the Han Dynasty's "long corridors, spacious halls, winding pavilions, and mysterious courtyards" (Zhang Heng's "West Capital Rhapsody")? Now, when we visit the Summer Palace in Beijing, we marvel at the vastness of Kunming Lake; but the remains of Kunming Lake in the Han Dynasty still span tens of square kilometers, nearly three to four times the combined area of the three gardens of Yuanmingyuan, Changchun, and Wanchun in the Qing Dynasty. What kind of grandeur is this? Ban Gu's "West Capital Rhapsody" said that on these lakes, one could "gaze at the vastness of the sea," and this was not empty words. This magnificent and expansive architectural landscape actually reflects a broad and profound spiritual attitude. It embraces the vastness of the sea and the earth, with a majestic and expansive spirit. Moreover, this is not just a horizontal expansion and extension; it also embodies a cosmic spirit that flows with the heavens above and the earth below. Therefore, Ban Gu said: "The palaces and halls are modeled after the heavens and earth, and they align with the yin and yang. They stand firmly on the earth's spirit and imitate the roundness and squareness of the Purple Star." If a pool is dug through the earth, it is also " to the left and to the right, as boundless as the Milky Way." Filled with a spirit that spans the universe and breathes with the heavens, it is open and free, walking, sitting, laughing, and roguish among the sun, moon, mountains, and rivers. However, this admirable spirit was severely criticized in modern times. Critics said that the Han people's cosmic spirit was cosmological and did not establish the "moral subjectivity" of humanity; that their connection with the heavens and earth was a mixture of alchemists and Confucians, and the humanistic spirit was thus damaged, with an air of divine right to rule; that their magnificence was mere exaggeration; and that their spirit was restrained by rituals, and their scholarship was heavily influenced by the state's exclusive promotion of Confucianism. Thus, the humanistic spirit that originated in the pre-Qin period was severely suppressed and distorted here, and it was not until the Wei and Jin dynasties that it was liberated from Confucianism and rituals, rekindling human consciousness. Politics was even later, not until the late Qing Dynasty, to gradually break free from the autocratic rule of the Qin and Han dynasties and gain freedom and democracy.
In summary, all faults are traced back to the Qin and Han dynasties. During my studies, this atmosphere was everywhere. When taking literature history classes, the teacher would harshly criticize the representative literary form of the Han Dynasty, the Han Fu, as "stupid Fu," believing it to be overly large, piled up with verbosity, though it described objects extravagantly and magnificently, it was far inferior to the more evocative and moving short Fu of the Wei, Jin, and Southern and Northern Dynasties. Some even said this was not literature but merely a type of classified encyclopedia or dictionary compiled by the ancients. In philosophy history classes, the teacher also harshly criticized, saying that the Han Dynasty had no philosophy, only (superstition) like yin-yang and the Five Elements, and that discussing qi and cosmology lacked scientific knowledge. In the academic history of thought, the cumbersome annotations of Confucian classics, phonology, and textual criticism made learners feel as if they were lost in a fog, everyone suffering greatly, viewing it as an indecipherable book, without realizing that there was any thought within. Occasionally, I would read books discussing Han Dynasty thought, and they mostly talked about the struggle between Confucianism and Legalism, or the conflict between Confucianism and autocratic rule. When discussing political and social history, the Han Dynasty was even worse. The cruelty of the dynasties, the suffering of the people, the harshness of the laws, the darkness of society, and the unreasonable Three Cardinal Guides and Five Constant Virtues were all repeatedly emphasized and criticized. It seemed that since the Opium War, all the humiliation China suffered due to autocratic backwardness could be traced back to the Qin and Han dynasties. In all the courses, the pre-Qin period seemed vibrant and colorful, but once entering the Han and Jin dynasties, it became heavy and solemn. It was vast and majestic, yet it seemed so stagnant, its magnificence merely appearing as absurdity, and its breadth merely shallow. It was not until the Wei and Jin dynasties that the eyes lit up again, the spirit relaxed from the heaviness, and one felt the beauty of the mountains and waters, the picturesque scenery, as if seeing the stylish figures of the Wei and Jin dynasties, with their tall hats, wide sleeves, and elegant discussions. The general opinion of the academic world at the time was largely like this. But I, immersed in it, always felt something was off. Because when I read Han Dynasty texts, I had a very different feeling. For example, the ancient lyrics of the Yuefu, whether the lingering "，，，," the sorrowful "，，，," the tragic "，，，," or the straightforward "，？，," all deeply moved me, making me strike the bamboo clappers in admiration. The "Nineteen Ancient Poems" were even more shocking and powerful, with every character worth a thousand gold, and they had already been highly praised by the ancients. "，," "，," "，," all contained the great questions and sorrows of the universe, directly probing the mysteries of human existence. Even the supposedly forged exchanges between Su Shi and Li Bai, "，，，," also left me in deep reflection. And those Fu, in my view, also had life. Jia Yi's , Ban Gu's , Cao Jia's , Zhang Pingzi's , were all without doubt. Wang Bang's , Ma Rong's , and Fu Yi's were also rich and meaningful, enough to inspire thoughts and intentions. Even the grand and expansive Fu of , , , and were hard to come by. Could they be dismissed with just the label "stupid Fu"? It was the same with literature, history, and so on. The histories need not be mentioned; Sima Qian's , understanding the changes of ancient and modern times and exploring the connection between heaven and humanity, and Ban Gu's , were far beyond the later historical works. The Confucian classics, though much has been lost, their related interpretations and annotations are still a treasure trove or key for later generations to grasp Confucianism and cannot be ignored. Moreover, the longer one explores and reflects, the more one realizes the inexhaustible depths within, sufficient for deep immersion. Even the textual criticism materials, which learners view as a daunting task, actually contain many principles, though unfortunately, modern scholars have not fully developed them. Such feelings grew stronger, and I gradually realized that the neglect or denigration of the Han Dynasty itself was a matter of intellectual history. Chinese academia originally had two major thought systems: the Han and Song dynasties. The rise of Song learning was originally revolutionary, so it was believed that the Confucianism and classics of the Han, Wei, Southern and Northern Dynasties did not continue the way of Confucius and Mencius and that it was not until figures like Zhou Dunyi and Cheng Mingdao that the true lineage was restored. However, by the late Ming Dynasty, scholars felt that it might be somewhat distant from Confucius and Mencius, and that the true face of original Confucianism might still be found in the Han Dynasty's classics. Thus, they began to promote Han learning against Song learning. This trend developed in the late Qing and early Republican period, gradually forming several directions: one continued to promote Han learning with textual and critical methods, expanding its scope to include history and the school of thought, and using textual criticism, phonology, and textual interpretation as the main methods and content of scholarship. Another felt that the true spirit of Han Confucianism was not in textual criticism but in promoting the subtle and profound meanings of Confucius. This school of scholars took the Western Han Gongyang School as their model, emphasizing the study of classics for practical application, which influenced the late Qing's revival, reform, and revolutionary movements. Another arose from a reaction against this emphasis on Han learning, believing that Song learning still had value and should not be abandoned, gradually shifting from an equal emphasis on Han and Song learning to a greater preference for Song learning. After the May Fourth Movement, Hu Shi and others promoted Han learning as the scientific method but opposed its ideological content. They said that Han Confucians' beliefs in (heaven and humanity's response) and the exclusive promotion of Confucianism combined autocratic rule with theocracy, making Confucianism serve autocratic emperors, and its content was full of superstition and delusion. Those who opposed Hu Shi's views promoted Song learning, saying that Hu Shi and other New Culture Movement figures did not understand the great roots and foundations of Chinese culture. What are the great roots and foundations of Chinese culture? It is the tradition opened by Confucius and Mencius and carried forward by Song and Ming Neo-Confucianism, and so on. In this context, Han learning, apart from its methodological significance, was almost worthless. Such academic development formed within the context of history, and though we feel regretful, there is nothing we can do about it. Regarding the academia's disdain for Han Dynasty thought, I am powerless to change it. But I know that this attitude is wrong, and modern perceptions of the Han Dynasty are often biased. My views may not be entirely correct, but it is not out of place to write casually and sing a different tune on the edge of this great era, perhaps there are those who will listen and understand with the right opportunity. What is collected here is a concise sketch of Han Dynasty thought. Not a single piece does not sing against the grain, and not a single piece does not try to open new windows and paths, hoping to guide later generations to new star charts and prospects. Such earnestness may even lead to (antagonism) and ridicule. If so, then let it be the ramblings of an ordinary person, just expressing my views.
Chapter "The Positioning of Han Dynasty Philosophy," was the manuscript for the keynote speech I gave at the 1989 Kyushu China Studies Conference in Japan, serving as the introduction. The next chapter "The World of Natural Qi-Response," discusses the concept of qi-class in the Han Dynasty and the human nature theory centered around (emotion). It was written in 1987 when Cai Jingying was about to study in Britain, and I wrote this article to debate with him and bid him farewell. The joy of discussing scholarship with friends and analyzing doubts and difficulties is still deeply remembered. The third chapter "The Pursuit of Customary Beauty and Virtue," discusses the political ideals of the Han people. This attitude of changing customs is both political and aesthetic. In 1998, I published another book "Dining and Love of Life Aesthetics," which developed from this Han Dynasty thought and can be cross-referenced. The fourth chapter "The Formation of the Scholar Tradition," discusses the evolution of the author concept, explaining how our scholar tradition formed in the Han Dynasty, its original essence, and why the Han scholarly method of seeking the original meaning emerged in the Han Dynasty. It was written when I, along with Cai Jingying, Lü Zhenghui, and others, edited "Chinese Literary Criticism." The fifth chapter "The Exploration of Character Meaning," continues to discuss the Han scholarly method. It argues that the Han people's analysis of characters has become the fundamental method for Chinese scholars in thinking, and the philosophical textual criticism formed from this method also differs significantly from Western philosophy. The sixth and seventh chapters "The Astral Politics of Confucianism" and "The Political Numerology of Confucianism" primarily focus on Han Dynasty discourse, arguing the Confucian concept of observing celestial phenomena and timing, combining the heavens with political thought, and the role of (Taichi) and the North Star in this. Since the Republic of China, scholars have lacked understanding of this part of thought, and I have only roughly outlined it here. The eighth chapter "The Confucian Sage" takes Han Ying as an example to discuss how Western Han Confucians became scholars; the ninth chapter "The Secularized Confucian" takes Wang Chong as an example to discuss how Eastern Han Confucians became literati. The former was originally written for the 1992 Han Dynasty Academic Conference at National Cheng Kung University, and the latter was written in 1991 when I, along with Chen Maojin, Lin Anwu, Wang Yue, and Zheng Zhiming, founded "Contemporary Chinese Studies." Now, Chen Maojin has passed away, and I feel deep sorrow upon reflection. The tenth chapter discusses the Taiping Dao, and the eleventh chapter discusses the Tian Shi Dao, the two major religious groups of the Han Dynasty Taoism, with deep origins but different connotations and scriptures. Since Taoism research is still in its early stages, few have dealt with related issues, so I wanted to discuss them in detail. The article on (Taiping Jing) was included in my "New Essays on Taoism," and the discussion on (Laozi Xiang'er) was published in 1994 in "Daoism Culture," edited by my (cousin Gong Qun). Originally, I wanted to discuss it in detail like the Taiping Dao, but it was postponed due to other matters, so only this part was completed. The twelfth chapter "The Marginalized Society and Its Ideological Issues" was written in 1996 when I was working on "The Spiritual Culture History of the Marginalized." Such an examination fully illustrates how much we have misunderstood the basic conditions of Chinese society and culture and how unfamiliar we are with the ideological issues they contain. Looking at these chapters comprehensively, the themes are diverse and cover a wide range. However, in reality, the description of Han Dynasty thought is still just a small taste. There are many things to discuss and worth discussing, and this book merely serves as a call to action. I believe there must be those who resonate with this from afar, and I hope for that.