Cambridge History of American Foreign Relations

Author: Kung Chao-wen (USA), Editor-in-Chief / Wang Chen et al.
Publisher:
Publish Date: 2004-05-01
Features: This volume examines U.S. foreign relations during approximately a century after the founding of the nation, so it cannot possibly be exhaustive. Although I am confident that I have not omitted any major events, I believe that details that seem peripheral to the theme in my personal judgment can be omitted. The theme of this volume, as the title indicates, is the creation of a republican empire that expanded from the Atlantic to the Pacific. Without a doubt, territorial expansion constitutes the main narrative; equally important are the establishment of independence, the emergence of a unique world political perspective, the threat posed by the republican constitutional wars to the young, struggling republic, and the futile attempts to destroy the empire during the Civil War. The bibliography used in this book is only a small part of the scholarly works that have emerged worldwide, and I am delighted to see that many important monographs and articles have been written, free from dogmatism and chauvinism. I have benefited from their contributions, and I am also inspired by the increasing internationalization of historical documents, which is an important aspect of American globalization. The purpose of editing The Cambridge History of American Foreign Relations is to allow a broad readership to access the masterpieces contributed by leading scholars in the field. Volume (The Creation of the Republican Empire) is written by Professor Bradford Perkins, an outstanding historian specializing in late 18th and early 19th-century American diplomacy and a veteran of the contemporary field of diplomatic history. Perkins argues that the foreign policy of the young republic was a product of material interests, culture, and various national values. Through his exploration of the constitution and foreign relations, he outlines a theme that runs through the other volumes: from Washington, every president has consistently sought to dominate policy, which runs counter to the intentions of the constitutional convention participants. He believes that the rise of the American empire stemmed from greed for land and resources, not from the right to rule other peoples. However, it was precisely this right to rule other ethnic groups—Native Americans, Mexicans, and especially African Americans—that led to the Civil War and its diplomatic consequences, which are the last events discussed in this volume. This masterpiece outlines the years in which the United States rose as a nation and laid the foundation for its emergence as a world power in the 19th century. The author of the second volume (The Pursuit of Opportunity) is Walter LaFeber, a highly respected member of the Wisconsin School of diplomatic history. LaFeber’s volume covers the last third of the 19th century and extends to 1913, the end of William Howard Taft’s presidency in the 20th century. He explores the connection between the growth of American economic power and expansionism, adding a theme of racism, particularly in analyzing Native Americans and Filipinos. It is striking that he opposes the idea that the United States is pursuing order. He points out that Americans sought economic and missionary opportunities abroad, with no regard for the chaos they brought to other countries. A revolution in China or Mexico was merely the price the United States paid for greater benefits, especially when the cost was borne by locals. Another inescapable theme is the use of diplomacy to expand presidential power. The third volume (The Globalization of America) begins just before the outbreak of World War I and ends with World War II, written by the former president of the American Historical Association and one of the most innovative international relations historians of our generation, Akira Iriye. Iriye, born in Japan and educated in the United States, is deeply committed to studying the pervasive cultural conflicts and convergences within power politics, particularly the encounters between the United States and East Asian nations. Iriye’s volume begins with a brief account of the evolving international system dominated by Europe in the 17th, 18th, and 19th centuries. He analyzes Wilsonianism during war and peace and how it was applied in Asia and Latin America. The author’s discussion of the “cultural aspects” of the 1920s is particularly striking. Iriye argues that this period constitutes “The Globalization of America” — during which the United States replaced Europe as the world leader and provided economic and cultural resources to plan and maintain the international order. The fourth volume (American Power in the Age of Soviet Dominance) also focuses heavily on the U.S.-East Asia relationship, much like Iriye. My friend Michael Handel has classified me as a “realist” in the school of diplomatic historians. My volume begins as World War II is nearing its end and concludes with the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991. I wrote about the vision of the postwar world order held by American leaders and noted their growing awareness of the threat posed by the Soviet Union to this vision. The concept of the “security dilemma,” where each side’s defensive actions appear as threats to the other, plays a prominent role in my analysis of the origins of the Cold War. I also emphasized the important role of the two political systems, the contradictory situation of American national strength and government weakness, and the hidden cruelty of the Stalinist regime. In this volume, I highlighted the significance of the collapse of prewar colonial empires, the emergence of a series of newly independent countries in Asia, Africa, and Latin America, and the chaos caused by the United States and the Soviet Union attempting to force them into the international systems they designed in Washington and Moscow. Finally, I described the resurgence of Germany and Japan as major powers, the disintegration of the Soviet Union, the trends in American development, and its uncertain direction in world affairs in the absence of an adversary. Despite the diverse approaches of the four authors in handling their subjects, the volumes share many themes. First, the United States has persistently pursued wealth and power, as vividly described by Perkins and LaFeber. Iriye shows how the United States, after rising as a world leader following World War I, used its wealth and power. I explored the behavior of the United States as a hegemon in the post-World War II era and its response to the threats to its dominance. The second crucial theme is the struggle for control over foreign policy. Each author highlights the tensions between the presidency and Congress brought about by the constitutional system, as well as how presidents from 1789 to the present have sought to bypass the constitutional constraints on their power. We all focus on the formation of American characteristics on the world stage. We examine the evolution of American values and compare them with the nation’s international behavior. Additionally, we are concerned about the impact of American global actions on domestic order and the alarming state of the virtuous and virtuous republic envisioned by Thomas Jefferson, which has been forgotten. These are ominous signs for Americans and the world they claim to lead.